Monday, June 22, 2015

Cong Riyun, the spread of Western Political Thoughts in China, 2015.6.22

西方政治思想在中国的传播

Cong Riyun is a professor at School of Political Science and Public Administration at China University of Political Science and Law

1, Because of the freedom of speech and publishing in Western society and the multi-diversified religions and ideologies, Western intellectuals and media could harshly and severely criticize their own system and government. They are used to looking at society with black-colored glasses and they tend to exaggerate the dark side of society. However, leftists in the West tend to criticize Western society from a certain perspective, for example criticize the war from a pacific perspective. However, Chinese leftist intellectuals don’t have this perspective. Those who passionately criticize Western pro-war behaviors generally tend to advocate war in China’s international relations (as well as the relation between mainland and Taiwan). But this does not stop them from denouncing Western civilization because they are influenced by Western leftists. They mainly use the lens provided by Western leftists to look at Western society and Western culture - this is a mistake of Chinese people getting to know the West. We have seen, in the past few decades that local new leftist intellectuals and Western-educated new leftists generally just copy all kinds of leftist theories to China. They have serious misunderstanding of Chinese society and in judging Western civilization.
1, 由于西方社会的言论和出版自由,宗教和意识形态的多元化,使西方知识分子和媒体可以挑剔地和激烈地批评本国制度和政府,习惯于戴着黑色眼镜观察社会,夸大社会的阴暗面。但西方左派往往是从某种特定的角度批判西方社会的,比如从和平主义角落反战,而中国左派知识分子并没有这个角度,激烈谴责西方战争行为的中国左派常常在中外关系上(以及大陆与台湾的关系上)是好战派,但这不妨碍他们受西方左派的影响而形成对西方文明否定性的认识。主要借助于西方左派提供的透镜来认识西方社会和西方文化,这是中国人认识西方的一大误区。我们看到,这几十年,本土的新左派知识分子和海归中的左派基本上都是把西方各种左翼理论贩运到了国内。对中国社会认识、判断西方文明,产生了严重的误导。

2, Ren Jiantao mentioned the “English disease” and I would like to expand its meanings. This kind of English disease is also a kind of disease of Western civilization. Western civilization has shown some sign of decline, as well as a lack of confidence. This has affected Chinese scholars and students who are educated in the West since the 80s. In their view this actually confirms their judgment on Western civilization that is taught in Chinese propaganda. Therefore all kinds of Western postmodern theories, social critique theories and all kinds of leftist influences were used to form the formula for Chinese nationalism. Actually those intellectuals who oppose Western stance depend on Western ideological resources most. They just refuse mainstream Western traditions. People usually say that Chinese leftists are very different from Western leftists. Western leftists stand on a more civil stance to criticize the government; while Chinese leftists have more affinity with the government - they provide ideological resources for the government and join them on the oppression of civil criticism. But Western leftists and Chinese leftists share something in common: they both criticize the West and they are both sympathetic in the understanding of Chinese reality. Chinese intellectuals who invite Western leftists scholars generally are those who are not completely enlightened themselves. When Western leftist theories are introduced to China, its natural logic is to embrace extremism, nationalism and authoritarianism.
2, 任剑涛提到了人们常说的“英国病”,我想把它的含义扩大一些,这个英国病也是西方文明之病,西方文明本身表露出了一些衰落的迹象,还有一些不自信的表现。这些都影响了80年代以来中国学者和留学精英,在他们看来,这正好印证了他们在国内宣传教育中向他们灌输的对西方文明的判断。所以,西方各种后现代理论、社会批判理论,各种左翼思潮,都被他们援引来拼成中国国家主义的药方。其实,那些持反西方立场的知识精英对西方思想资源的依赖是最强的,他们只是拒绝西方的主流传统。人们常说,中国的左派与西方左派完全不同,西方左派持民间立场,以批评政府为已任;而中国左派是亲政府的官派,与官府携手为压制民间批评提供思想资源。不过西方的左派和中国的左派有一点相同:二者都批判西方,并且都同情的理解中国现实。那些将外国左派请到国内的学者,往往是自己的头脑没经过彻底启蒙的。而西方的左派理论来到中国,其合乎逻辑的结果是拥抱极权主义、国家主义、威权政治。

3, Since the 1980s, some Chinese intellectuals borrowed resources from Western leftists and started to criticize or even demonize Western freedom and democracy. Meanwhile, they defended Chinese reality with nationalist logic. They borrowed Western multiculturalism to construct extreme Chinese nationalism. With the help of the deconstruction of postmodernism on democracy and the fashionable design of postmodernism, they rejected China’s democratization. Western leftists hold the anti-war stance and criticize the US government’s “hegemony” and “pro-war” policies. Chinese leftists take advantage of Western leftists’ resources to prove the US’ “hegemony” and “pro-war”. But they don’t follow Western leftists’ “anti-war” and pacifism stance, and just use the evidence of US’ pro-war behaviors exposed by Western leftists, to prove and strengthen their nationalistic stance.  Therefore, it might be good in the West, but it is poisonous when it is introduced to China.
3, 1980年代以来,中国一些知识分子借用西方左派资源,批判和妖魔化西方自由民主,同时,以国家主义逻辑为中国的现实辩护。援引西方的文化多元主义来建构中国的极端民族主义,借助后现代主义对代表制民主的解构和各种后现代的时髦设计,拒绝中国的民主化。西方的左派持反战立场,批判美国政府“霸权”与“好战”政策。中国左派则利用西方左派资源证明美国的“霸权”与“好战”,但他们并不追随西方左派的反战与和平主义立场,而是以西方左派所揭露的美国好战行为作为他们自己主张的国家主义立场和好战行为的依据。这样,在西方可能是良方,被引进到中国后则变成了毒药。

4, Since the reform and open up when there is another wave of large scale cultural communication with the West. Chinese intellectuals basically still hold that kind of special authoritarian personality that was constructed a few decades ago, which is a kind of pathological political psychology, a very serious political disease. Some people once were “red guards of Chairman Mao”, or even “little red guards”. The reform and open up and their Western education made them exposed to new knowledge and new theories from the West. Their mindsets have changed a lot but there is no fundamental change on their basic values. There is no reconstruction of personalities.
4,改革开放后中国再次与西方文化大规模交流的时候,中国知识分子基本上都是此前几十年改造和教育塑成的特殊的权威主义人格,那是一种病态的政治心理,严重的政治病态。有的人曾经是“毛主席的红卫兵”,甚至是红小兵,改革开放和国外学习的经历使他们接触到西方的新知识、新理论,其思想观念也有较大变化 ,但他们的基本价值观念没有根本的变化,更没有实现人格的重塑。

5, Young intellectuals in the 90s mainly received extreme and pathologic nationalist education, which made their psyche sick and personality deficient. Deep down in these people’s hearts and minds there was the deep preconceived prejudice on Western civilization, therefore it forced a special kind of attitude and sentiment on Western politics. Though in the past few decades since the reform and open up people’s human nature is basically liberated and there is the gradual development of modern psyche, the modern psyche is far from mature. They only reply on the nation, country, or power. This kind of immature modern personality faces all kinds of dominating power in family education, school education and social education. But their independent psyche is not enough to counter this kind of power. Therefore they experience frustration, oppression and sense of failure time and time again. They also seek more secure ways to vent to external objects. Therefore the new generation who are born after the reform and open up mostly believe in authoritarianism and are nationalists. The dependence on national power and resentment towards Western countries coexist in their subconsciousness.
5, 90年代的青年知识分子受到的主要是极端的和变态的民族主义教育,这种教育造成了他们心理上的不健康和人格上的缺陷。在这些人内心深处,预先就被植入了对西方文明的深深的偏见,形成了对西方政治的特定态度和情感。虽然改革开放后的几十年里,人们的个性得到初步解放,现代人格也初步发育起来,但是,现代人格还远未成熟,他只能依附于民族或国家,依附于权力。这样一种不成熟的现代人格在家庭教育、学校教育和社会环境中遇到各种专横的权力,而他的独立人格又没有成熟到能够对抗这种权力,于是,只能在一次次受挫中体验压抑感和挫折感,并且向比较安全的外部对象寻求发泄。[13]所以,改革开放后出生的新的一代,大多是权威主义者,也是民族主义者。对本国权力的依附与对西方国家的敌意并存于他们的潜意识里。

6, It is this kind of deep political psyche or political personality that makes intellectuals since the Republic time embrace nationalism, resent or mock mainstream Western values and identify with all kinds of Western collectivism and leftist ideologies. Though some people may support Western ideologies on freedom and democracy, deep down their political psyche is generally separated. China is still on the process of individualization, and most people still have not formed their own independent self-esteem and modern democratic personality, therefore they don’t have the value to respect individuals. They don’t know how to respect individuals’ lives, power and self-esteem.

6, 正是深层的政治心理,或政治人格特征,使从民国时代直到今天的一些知识精英拥抱国家主义,敌视或轻视西方的主流价值,认同西方的各种集体主义和左翼思想。即使有些人理论上支持西方的自由民主思想,但与其深层的政治心理往往是分离的。[14]因为中国社会的个体化过程还在进行当中,多数人还没有形成独立自尊的现代民主人格,因而也没有树立起尊重个人的价值观,不懂得尊重个体的生命、权利和尊严。

Thursday, June 18, 2015

This book: The High Road:Chinese Communist Party and Socialism in China seems to be an interesting book to read It was published earlier this year by Renmin University Press It is consisted of discussions of younger scholars: Yan Yilong, Bai Gang, Zhang Yongle, Ou Shujun and He Jianyu. They are assistant professors at Tsinghua, Beida, Renmin and Fudan Universities. Some important scholars have given some very positive comments: Wang Shaoguang: Authors in this book discussed important issues, issues concerning the fate and future of China. We could say that this book is a discussion with 8000 Chinese Communist Party members. It discusses how to reboost the Chinese Communist Party to be a spirited leading team again. This book is also a discussion with hundreds of thousands of government and Party officials, to discuss how to rejuvenate the spirit and cohesion of the CCP. This book is a discussion with theory workers, and discuss how to understand socialism in China and Chinese Communist Party from the perspective of the history of civilization. This book is also a discussion with Western scholars who study China with colored glasses. It advises them to get rid of their low-resolution theoretical model and learn to seek truth from facts from Chinese Communist Party members. 本书作者思考的是大问题,是事关中国前途命运的大问题。可以说,这本书是与八千多万中共党员的对话,探讨如何将中国共产党重新打造成一个充满理想精神的先锋队;这本书是与几十万党政干部的对话,探讨如何重新激活中共各级党组织的战斗力与凝聚力;这本书是与理论工作者的对话,探讨如何从人类文明史的视角理解中国社会主义与中国共产党;这本书是与西方那些戴着有色眼镜的观察家的对话,奉劝他们抛弃那些分辨率极低的理论范式,学一点中国共产党人的实事求是。 ——王绍光(香港中文大学政治与公共行政系讲座教授、清华大学长江讲座教授) Pan Wei: professor of international relations at Peking University I believe this book has explained two facts: first: things in China need the leadership of Chinese Communist Party; second, Chinese Communist Party can only lead the people if they believe in the people. Therefore, this book re-prove the famous saying of Mao Zedong: We need to believe in the people. We need to believe in the Party. These are two basic principles. If we doubt these two principles, we can’t do anything. 我认为这本书阐述了两个道理:第一,办中国的事必须有中国共产党的领导;第二,中国共产党只有信仰人民才能领导人民。因此,这本书在新时代重新诠释了毛泽东那段著名的话:“我们应当相信群众,我们应当相信党,这是两条根本的原理。如果怀疑这两条原理,那就什么事情也做不成了。” ——潘维(北京大学国际关系学院教授、北京大学中国与世界研究中心主任) (Unfortunately I couldn’t find the digital copy of this book. There is pdf version of the first 6 pages, the prelude written by Wang Shaoguang).

This book: The High Road:Chinese Communist Party and Socialism in China seems to be an interesting book to read

It was published earlier this year by Renmin University Press

It is consisted of discussions of younger scholars: Yan Yilong, Bai Gang, Zhang Yongle, Ou Shujun and He Jianyu. They are assistant professors at Tsinghua, Beida, Renmin and Fudan Universities.

Some important scholars have given some very positive comments:
Wang Shaoguang:
Authors in this book discussed important issues, issues concerning the fate and future of China. We could say that this book is a discussion with 8000 Chinese Communist Party members. It discusses how to reboost the Chinese Communist Party to be a spirited leading team again. This book is also a discussion with hundreds of thousands of government and Party officials, to discuss how to rejuvenate the spirit and cohesion of the CCP. This book is a discussion with theory workers, and discuss how to understand socialism in China and Chinese Communist Party from the perspective of the history of civilization. This book is also a discussion with Western scholars who study China with colored glasses. It advises them to get rid of their low-resolution theoretical model and learn to seek truth from facts from Chinese Communist Party members.

本书作者思考的是大问题,是事关中国前途命运的大问题。可以说,这本书是与八千多万中共党员的对话,探讨如何将中国共产党重新打造成一个充满理想精神的先锋队;这本书是与几十万党政干部的对话,探讨如何重新激活中共各级党组织的战斗力与凝聚力;这本书是与理论工作者的对话,探讨如何从人类文明史的视角理解中国社会主义与中国共产党;这本书是与西方那些戴着有色眼镜的观察家的对话,奉劝他们抛弃那些分辨率极低的理论范式,学一点中国共产党人的实事求是。
   ——王绍光(香港中文大学政治与公共行政系讲座教授、清华大学长江讲座教授)


Pan Wei: professor of international relations at Peking University
I believe this book has explained two facts: first: things in China need the leadership of Chinese Communist Party; second, Chinese Communist Party can only lead the people if they believe in the people. Therefore, this book re-prove the famous saying of Mao Zedong: We need to believe in the people. We need to believe in the Party. These are two basic principles. If we doubt these two principles, we can’t do anything.
我认为这本书阐述了两个道理:第一,办中国的事必须有中国共产党的领导;第二,中国共产党只有信仰人民才能领导人民。因此,这本书在新时代重新诠释了毛泽东那段著名的话:“我们应当相信群众,我们应当相信党,这是两条根本的原理。如果怀疑这两条原理,那就什么事情也做不成了。”
   ——潘维(北京大学国际关系学院教授、北京大学中国与世界研究中心主任)


(Unfortunately I couldn’t find the digital copy of this book. There is pdf version of the first 6 pages, the prelude written by Wang Shaoguang).

Yao Yang: The Disinterested Government and the Promotion of a Country’s Political Elites, 2015.6.18

姚洋:中性政府与国家政治精英的选拔
Published on Aisixiang on June 4, 2015

1, In the past, the threat of Western democratic society comes from the Outside: in the beginning it was the Natzi, and then the Soviet Union; right now the threat is from the inside. After the financial crisis, there is huge clash in Western societies. There is opposition from the working class and the extreme wealthy class; there is opposition between ordinary people and multinational corporations; there is opposition between the conservatives and the liberalists.
1, 在过去,西方民主社会的威胁来自外部:起先是纳粹,后来是苏联阵营;现在,威胁来自内部。金融危机之后,西方社会发生大分裂,工薪阶层和极少数富人对立,普通人和跨国公司对立,保守派和自由派对立。

2, The enemy of Western democracy is not the challenge of dictatorship anymore, but rather from its internal populism and extremism. In terms of political governance, there is a lack of leadership in Western societies.
2, 西方民主的敌人不再是独裁体制的挑战,而是来自其内部的民粹主义和极端主义。在政治治理层面上,西方社会就出现了缺乏领袖的局面。

3, The promotion system: rule of the Party replaces the democratic system
Under this circumstance, there is special significance of China’s promotion system. Chinese officials are not voted by each individual person, but rather promoted by their superior organizational departments. If a person wants to get promoted in the Party’s political system, they must start from the basic level, and get promoted many times to reach a high level. There are rounds after rounds of competitions among officials. Only those who are lucky enough to be on the front all the time could get promoted. This system replaces the democratic election system and encourages officials.
3, 选拔体制:以党治代替民主制度
   在这种情况下,中国的选拔体制就具有了特别的意义。中国的官员不是通过全体公民一人一票产生的,而是主要靠上级组织部门的选拔产生。一个人如果想在党政系统中升迁,就必须从基层官员做起,经过多次的选拔才可能最终脱颖而出。官员之间不得不进行一轮接一轮的竞标赛,只有那些每次都幸运地排在前几位的人才可能得到晋升。这套制度替代了民主制度选拔和激励官员的功能。

4, There are two sets of structure of the Constitution in China. One exists in legal texts; the other exists in reality. In legal texts, the Party’s leadership is only represented in the prelude of the Constitution; in reality, the Party’s governance in our country is the hub and its functions are twofold: one is to draft important political guidelines; the other is to promote its officials. The latter is the replacement of democratic election and encourages officials.
4, 中国存在两套宪法架构,一套是法律文本意义上的,一套是现实意义上的。在文本意义上,党的领导只体现在《宪法》的引言中;在现实意义上,党在我国国家治理结构中处于枢纽地位,其作用包括两个方面:一是制定国家的大政方针;二是选拔干部。后者是对民主制度选拔和激励官员功能的替代。

5, The Communist Party could win power is mostly related to its sophisticated network. After the reborn of the Republic, this tradition was well kept. The Party’s network was permeated in each pore and corner of the society. During the time of planned economy, because the Party overly stressed on the characteristics of ideology, the overall coverage of the Party made the whole Chinese society over politicalized. After the reform and open-up, the characteristics of the Party’s ideology has gradually faded. It is generally believed that after the “Three Representatives” was written in the Declaration of the Party in 2002, the Party has finished its transition from the Revolutionary Party to a Civil Party. Actually, “Three Representatives” also indicated a more important shift, which is that the Party was no longer a political organization consisted of a group of people with the same political agenda, but it had become a system - an indispensable part of our country’s governance structure. Wang Hui considers this process as a “de-politicalized” process and has analyzed its negative consequences. However, taken into consideration of China’s historical environment, this kind of de-politicalization is more of a progress; besides, from the perspective of a country’s governance, it makes the Party’s functions more obvious and opens the doors for the Party to play more roles within the framework of the Constitution.
5, 中国共产党能够取得政权,和它严密的组织有很大关系;建国之后,这个传统得到保持,党的组织深入到社会的各个层面,全国的各个角落。在计划经济时代,由于党过分地强调其意识形态特征,党的全覆盖导致了中国社会的过度政治化。改革开放之后,党的意识形态色彩逐步褪去;一般认为,到2002年将“三个代表”写入党章之后,党完成了从革命党向全民党的转变。事实上,“三个代表”还包含比这个转变更为重要的转变,这就是,党不再是由一群具有相同政治主张的个人构成的政治组织,而是一种制度,是我国国家治理架构中不可分割的部分。汪晖将这一过程看作是“去政治化”的过程,并对它的不良后果进行了分析。但是,在中国的历史环境下,这种去政治化更多的是一种进步;而且,从国家治理的角度来看,它让党的职能显性化,为党在宪法架构下发挥作用打开了大门。

6, If we could realize that the Party is not the political Party in the Western sense, but rather a part of the country’s governance structure, then we won’t question why the Party’s position should not be challenged by other political power. Western scholars generally don’t understand this - this is the main reason that they misunderstand China’s political structure. On this point, Chinese scholars have our responsibilities. Many scholars in Party construction can’t really look beyond the so-called traditional discourse and their discussions can’t be understood by international scholars, let alone being accepted. Many of the political scientists care more about using the Western discourse, and deep down they have their arrogance of “starting everything from Greece”. It is the responsibility of Chinese scholars to use the language that the international society understands to articulate China’s issues clearly.
6, 如果意识到党不再是西方意义上的政党,而是国家治理架构的一部分,我们也就不会再去质疑为什么党的地位不可被其他政治势力所挑战。西方的学者往往没有理解这一点,这是他们误解中国政治架构的主要原因。在这方面,中国学者是有责任的。多数党建学者无法突破所谓的正统学说,其话语无法被国际学者所理解,更不用说去说服他们了。政治学者中的多数则专注于引进西方话语体系,骨子里仍然是“言必称希腊”的傲慢。中国学者的责任是用国际社会能够听懂的语言,把中国的事情说清楚。

7, China’s promotion system is set up on two political bases, one is a disinterested central government, the other is division of economic power. The general situation of developing countries is either the government is controlled by few powerful interest groups, or it is constrained by populism, or somewhere in between the two. In this case, the government is either in the service of a small number of people, or in a non-manageable situation. Democracy in developing countries generally doesn’t really work, and this is the reason. A disinterested government is a government that does not belong to any interest group and does not service any interest group. “Being disinterested is often misunderstood as the government does not have any interest of its own, which is wrong. A disinterested government - or more precisely, its main officials - of course have their personal aspirations. Its disinterested nature is compared to the general society.
7, 中国选拔体制建立在两个政治基础之上,一个是中性的中央政府,另一个是财政分权。发展中国家的普遍情况是,政府要么被少数强势集团所控制,要么被民粹主义所裹挟,要么是两者的混合。在这种情况下,政府要么为少数人服务,要么陷入不可治理的境地。发展中国家的民主往往无法工作,原因概在于此。一个中性政府是一个不属于任何利益集团、也不为任何利益集团服务的政府。“中性”一词往往被人误解为政府没有自己的利益,这是不对的。一个中性政府——或者更确切地,它的主要官员——当然有自己的个人追求,它的中性只是相对于社会而言的。
和一个有偏的政府相比,中性政府少了很多政治羁绊,不用为政治利益的平衡而瞻前顾后,因此更可能把精力放在长期经济增长上面。

8, Over the past three decades the Chinese government has basically played a role of a disinterested government. Here we say “basically” because at certain time, at certain points we could always see that the government has their preferences - in the beginning of the reform and open-up they favored the peasants and special economic zones. In the 90s the reform in state-owned enterprises made the working class shoulder lots of consequences of the reform, etc. But in the long term, the government basically has been in the middle way. A disinterested government is not only good for economic growth, it also provides solid foundation for the promotion system.
8, 中国政府在过去三十多年里基本上扮演了一个中性政府的角色。这里说“基本上”,是因为在某个时期、某个局部,我们总是能发现政府是有偏的——改革初期偏向农民和经济特区,在90年代国企改革中又让工人阶级承担了绝大多数的改革成本,等等。但长期而言,政府基本上走了一条中间道路。一个中性政府不仅有利于经济增长,还能为选拔体制提供坚实的基础。

9, To make promotion a system there must be two conditions: one is openness, the other is coherence. Openness means that government positions are opened to all classes in the society, without it we can’t start talking about promotion.Coherence requires the standard for promotion be applied everywhere. A disinterested government does not pre-determine their preferences of social classes. Therefore it does not care which class its promoted officials come from. So it will not be interfered by any political forces. Its policies and standards for promoting officials have more coherent logic.
9, 要让选拔成为一种制度,它必须具备两个条件:一是开放性;二是一致性。开放性意味着政府职位向所有阶层开放,没有它,选拔无从谈起。一致性要求选拔的标准是放之四海而皆准的,否则,官员之间就失去了可比性,选拔就不能持续。一个有偏的政府显然不可能保证这两个条件。一个中性政府不预先设定自己对于社会阶层的偏好,因此并不介意被提拔的官员出自哪个阶层;又因为不受政治势力的干扰,其政策、包括官员的选拔标准也就更可能具有内在的逻辑。

10, Therefore we could see, our current fiscal system is actually very divided; actually, it might be the most divided system in the world.
10,由此可以看到,我国现行的财政体制仍然是非常分权的;事实上,它是世界上最分权的体制。

11, However, in the US in each level of government there is no budgeted income, which means that the profit making capacity of local government in the US is much lower than their Chinese counterparts. Besides, the US federal government has relatively little leverage on the income of each state’s income; the federal government spend money from their own gains. Therefore, from the spending perspective China’s division is more obvious than the US.
11, 但是,美国各级政府没有预算外收入,这意味着,美国地方政府的收入能力远低于中国的地方政府。另外,美国联邦政府对各州的转移支出较少,多数收入是联邦政府自己花出去了,这样,从支出方面来看,中国的财政分权也远甚于美国。

12, Currently there are two ways for the Central government to control local governments: one is financial maneuver, the other is assigning positions. The two work well together. Assigning officials is the core method for the Central government to control local government and it is a main representation of the promotion system. But this needs the backup from a central government with financial power, otherwise local government officials could refuse the orders from the central government because of their own financial independence.
12, 就目前而言,中央控制地方的方式有两个:一是财政转移,二是干部任命。两者是相辅相成的关系。干部任命是中央控制地方的核心手段,也是选拔体制的主要表现方式,但这需要一个具有一定财力的中央政府的支持,否则地方官员就可能因为财大气粗而抗拒中央的调遣。

13, As we have discussed before, China’s promotion system has replaced the democratic election system. How are its effects? Could it promote outstanding talents? From what we could see in the news, it is prevalent that people do buy political positions. What we could learn from anyone is also that network is a key reason for an official to get promoted. However, excellent officials could still get promoted. There are two reasons: first, a disinterested central government aspires to promote the most capable officials, because it cares about the development prospect of the country and it needs capable officials to manage economics and the society; the second, if every lower official gives gifts to their superiors then everyone will be more or less come back to the same beginning line. In the short term, those who could bid a very high price might have more chances to win, but in the long term, this will just raise up the prices.  
13, 如前所述,中国的选拔体制代替了民主制度下选拔和监督官员的作用,那么,其效果如何呢?它是否能够选拔出优秀的人才呢?从报纸杂志披露的情况来看,买官鬻官的现象是比较普遍的;口耳相传的消息也告诉我们,关系是决定一个官员能否得到升迁的关键因素。但是,优秀的官员仍然可能得到提拔,原因有二:第一,一个中性的中央政府希望提拔有能力的官员,因为它自身十分关注国家的发展前景,需要有能力的官员来管理经济和社会;第二,如果每个下级官员都到上级那里送礼、跑关系,那么,每个人就或多或少地回到同一起点上。在短期内,那些能够出很高价格的人可能更容易胜出,但在长期,这只会起到抬高价格的作用。

14, Though it is a thorny issue to evaluate the capability of an official - the capability to develop economy is very easy to measure. Meanwhile, at this stage, it is the most valued capability from the upper government. Though the GDP-oriented theory is criticized by the government and media, but we could see that in practice, GDP is still the main goal of the government.
14, 尽管衡量官员的能力是一个棘手的问题,但一个官员发展经济的能力是比较容易衡量的,而且,在目前情况下,这也是上级政府最看重的能力。虽然“唯GDP论”受到官方和大众媒体的一致批判,但在实践中,GDP仍然是政府追求的主要目标。

15, A local official face many assignments from their superiors. However, none of these assignments - unless those that could be vetoed, like the previous family planning, the current big environmental disasters or production accidents - could be measured so precisely like GDP. Therefore it is natural that they care about GDP growth. It is futile for the upper level to make their promotion standards more sophisticated.
15, 一个地方主官面临上级交代的许多任务,但是,没有一个任务——除了那些一票否决的任务,如过去的计划生育、现在的重大环境和生产事故——能够像GDP那样精确度量,所以,他关注GDP增长是理所当然的,上级即使把提拔标准搞得无比精巧也是枉然。
16, The challenge presented to China scholars, based on its reality, is that though corruption is so omnipresent and severe, how come China could still maintain such high-speed of economic growth? There could be many reasons. One of them might be related to the promotion system. Though the promotion system may not supervise officials, and that’s the reason for so much corruption, it puts capable people on key leadership positions. Though they are corrupted they have done many meaningful things to the society. One example is Liu Zhijun, who was one of the most corrupted officials. But China’s railway could develop to today’s level is directly related to his previous leadership in the Ministry of Railway. Corruption is a persistent disease for developing countries. If a developing country wants to gain economic growth, perhaps it needs to learn to grow with pain. China’s promotion system actually provides a possible path.
16, 中国经验给学者们提出的挑战是:既然官员的腐败如此普遍、如此猖狂,为什么中国还能够保持如此高的经济增长速度?原因可能很多,但其中之一可能和选拔体制有关。选拔体制可能没有起到监督官员的作用,因而才有这么多的腐败,但是,它能够把有能力的人提拔到关键性的领导岗位上,让他们在腐败的同时也为社会做有益的事情。一个例子是刘志军。他是最腐败的官员之一,但是,中国高铁能够发展到今天的模样,和他在铁道部的领导分不开。腐败是发展中国家的顽疾,发展中国家要想取得经济进步,可能就要学会带病成长,中国的选拔制度为此提供了一个可能的方式。

17, Obama was elected the president because of his slogan of “change”. He had the chance to become a great president like Franklin Roosevelt, but right now it seems he might be the worst president since the Second World War. There might be many reasons, but Obama’s personal capability might be largely responsible. In comparison, senior Chinese officials have rich governance experience from the lower level to higher level, which is helpful to increase their confidence and make them brave enough not to make very populist decisions.
17, 奥巴马因为“改变”的口号当选美国总统,本来有机会成为富兰克林·罗斯福一样的总统,但现在看来要成为二战以来美国最差的总统了。尽管其中的原因很多,但奥巴马有限的个人能力可能要负大部分责任。相比之下,中国的高级官员具有丰富的从基层到高层的管理阅历,这有利于提高他们的自信心,敢于做出不那么民粹的决策。

18, Towards the conclusion of this article I would like to highlight again that the promotion system is not a perfect system and it might not be possible for it to become China’s ultimate political system. However, its essence might serve as some beneficial guidance for the reconstruction and redesign of democratic system.
在结束本文的时候,我想再强调一次,选拔体制不是一个完美体制,也不太可能成为中国的终极体制,但是,它的精髓可以给民主制度的改造和再设计提供有益的指导。

19, Perhaps, readers could understand the conclusion better after reading the comparison of India and China written by two Indian scholars:
“It is well worth remembering that the difference in the economic performance between China and India is not the extent to which each has turned to markets, because both have. Rather, the Chinese Communist Party-state, as an economic institution, is more responsive, more meritocratic, and more skilled in human capital than the Indian state. Rebuilding the Indian state on firmer foundations may well determine not just what future India will have, but whether it has a future.”
(From Rebuilding the Indian state, written by Devesh Kapur and Arvind Subramanian at the Business Standard in September 2013).
也许,读者读了下面两位印度裔学者对中国和印度政府的对比后就更能体会上述判断的意义:
   值得记住的是,中国和印度在经济表现方面的差异不在于这两个国家拥抱市场的程度,因为它们都已经这样做了;毋宁说,差异来自于中国的党国体制,作为一个经济组织,比印度的国家组织更加主动、更加贤能,也具有更好的人力资本。在坚实的基础上重建印度国家组织不仅关系到印度将有什么样的未来,而且关系到它是否有未来。
   ——Devesh Kapur和Arvind Subramanian,Business Standard,2013年9月6日

Wednesday, June 17, 2015

Yang Xuedong and blogger Zhou Xiaoping 2015.6.17

Zhou Xiaoping’s articles are often published on major media like Global Times, Communist Party website or Xinhua Net. He was once popular for doubting many big shots on Sina Weibo.

杨雪冬:论国家治理现代化的全球背景与中国路径
1, Since the reform and open up, there are three major forces that have been promoting the multi-dimensional and profound reform in Chinese society. They are: high-speed economic growth supported by the market system; gradually increasing systemic reform and the ever-expanding open-up. The promoter behind these forces is the State. Through assigning power to the market, the society and local government and purposefully bringing international elements to domestic economic life, the single “all around” governance structure has gradually become richer. Not only there are more diversified body of governance, but the State is mastering and learning new ways of governance. However, over the past three decades of development, the State has changed from the promoter of reform to the object of reform. It is even becoming the object of the forced. The reason that the State has become the object of reform is because there are fundamental changes in economic and social environment. There are mainly 8 aspects:
1,改革开放以来,有三种主要力量推动了中国社会的全方位、深层次的变革。它们分别是:市场机制发育支撑的高速经济增长;渐进增量式的制度改革与制度转轨以及不断扩大的对外开放。而这些力量背后的推动者就是国家。国家通过向市场、社会、地方的放权和赋权,将国际因素有目的地引入国内经济社会生活之中,使得国家完全主导,甚至包办一切的“全能主义”单一治理结构逐渐丰富起来,不仅出现了更多样的治理主体,而且国家掌握和学习运用着更多的治理手段。然而,经过30多年的发展,国家也从变革的推动者逐步变成需要进一步变革的对象,甚至是被“倒逼”的对象。国家之所以成为变革的对象,是因为经济社会环境发生了深刻的变化。这主要体现在以下八个方面:

2, (1) From a controlling society to an autonomous society. In an autonomous society, on one hand there is increased ability for the society to make autonomous decisions; on the other hand the process for a society to obey a single decision is more complicated and costly. A new coordination mechanism is needed to integrate the multi-dimensional decision-making body.This is undoubtedly a challenge for the whole society to reach consensus and carry out collective campaigns.
(1)从控制型社会向自主型社会转变。
在自主型社会中,一方面社会自主决策能力提高了,另一方面整个社会服从统一决策的过程也更加复杂,成本更高,需要建立新的协调机制来整合多元化的决策主体。这无疑是对整个社会达成共识,实现集体行动能力的挑战。

3, (2), From a separate and static society to a more mobile society. (3) From an integrated society to a multi-faceted society. Since the reform and open up, along with development of market force and the concession of political power, the nature of a more multi-faceted society is becoming increasingly explicit. It is mostly expressed in two aspects. One is the considerable increase of main bodies of social events. In the economic field it is shown in the dramatic increase of the number of people who are legal persons in non-government sectors and people who work in non-government economic units. In the social field it is shown in the emergence of new emerging civil society and organizations. On the other hand there is increased awareness of social events. The momentum of their increased awareness is the concern of their own interests. The increased awareness of these bodies also promote more autonomous actions of these multi-faceted bodies.
(2) 从分割静态的社会向流动的社会转变。
(3)从整体性社会向多元社会转变。
改革开放后,随着市场力量的发展以及政治力量的退让,社会多元化特征日益明显。这集中体现在两个方面。一方面是社会活动主体的大量增加。在经济领域体现为非国有法人以及在非国有经济单位中就业人口的迅速增加,在社会领域体现为各种新兴公民社会组织的出现;另一方面是社会活动主体的主体意识的增强。对自身权益的关注是主体意识增强的动力。主体意识的增强也推动着多元主体行为的自主性。
4(4): From a closed and isolated society to an open society. This gives the state new challenges: on one hand it needs to avoid international influences on solving domestic problems, which needs more serious advocacy on the independence and integrity of sovereign power. On the other hand to speed up the problem solving of some domestic problems, it is also necessary to respond to the demands from international society.
(5), From a producing society to a consuming society.
(4) 从封闭孤立的社会向全面开放的社会转变。
这就给国家带来了新的挑战:一方面要防止国际因素影响国内问题的解决,就需要更强烈地主张主权的独立和完整;另一方面为了加快某些国内问题的解决,又必须回应国际社会的要求。
(5), 从生产的社会向消费的社会转变。
5, (6) From a society of state wealth to individual wealth. These changes not only limit the control of state power, influence the scope, intensity and mode of social activities; what is more important is that it provides material support on the increased awareness of social bodies. They have more wealth and therefore pay more attention on their personal interests and risks. Meanwhile it presents new challenges to large scale social events, which is how to facilitate cooperation among a large number of people who are with a considerable amount of wealth.  
6从国家财富的社会向个人财富的社会转变。
这些变化的发生不仅限制了国家权力调控、影响社会活动的范围、强度和方式,更重要的是为社会主体意识的强化提供了物质支撑,因为他们拥有了更多的财富,也更关心危及自己利益的各种风险。同时这也对大范围社会集体行动的达成提出了新的挑战,即如何协调数量众多的、有着自我财富的社会主体之间的合作。
6, (7), From a society of constant economic growth to a society of sustainable growth.
7从经济不断增长型社会向社会可持续发展型社会转变。
There are accelerating signs of all kinds of negative results because of one-sided emphasis on economic growth, due to deepened reform and open-up. The supportive capacity of  ecological environment to economic growth and the decreasing tolerance of widening gap of social wealth are directly challenging the current economic growth model.
片面强调经济增长产生的各种负面后果也随着改革开放的深入日益明显。生态环境对经济发展的支撑能力以及社会对收入差距拉大的容忍能力直接挑战着现有的经济增长模式。

7, (8) From a low risk society to a high-risk society
(8) 从低风险社会向高风险社会转变。
These changes pose two challenges on the state-centered governance structure: one is though the current governance structure is still highly effective when dealing with big events that need to consolidate lots of resources, for many problems in society, particularly those more micro, personal and unexpected problems it is much less effective. This has created the huge gap: on one hand the country could still engage in large-scale projects and events; on the other hand there are continuous mistakes on the problem-solving of daily events. There is a gulf between people’s expectations and the goal of the country’s development.
7, 这些变化对于长期以来形成的以国家为中心的治理结构产生了两大冲击:一是既有的治理结构虽然在集中资源办大事方面依然保持着很高的效力,但是应对社会领域的诸多问题,尤其是微观化、个人化、突发性的问题却有些无措。这就形成了一方面国家依然能够兴办大规模的工程,举办大型的活动,另一方面却在日常生活的治理中不断出现漏洞和失误,造成了民众的期望与国家发展目标之间差距的拉大。
8, The second crash is the result of the previous one, which is the core of governance - the authority and trust of the state is decreased. Though China has a long history of centering on the State and the society generally submits to national authority, when dealing with a large number of new problems, no matter it is the speed of response or the capacity of response there are obvious shortcomings. What is more important is that for some typical events the weakness that the State has shown make the society and people doubt the fairness and legitimacy of state authority. There is crisis of state legitimacy. The lack of trust on the State definitely could lead to non-submission to all kinds of system, which undoubtedly damage the environment of building social trust. It also makes social bodies difficult to manage their expectations.
8, 第二个冲击是前者的后果,即治理结构的核心——国家的权威和信任度有所降低。尽管中国有着悠久的国家中心传统,社会服从国家权威,但是在处理大量新问题的时候,国家无论在反应速度还是解决能力上都存在着明显不足。更重要的是,在一些典型事件中表现出的弱点使社会公众和团体对国家权威的公正性与合理性也产生了质疑,国家的合法性出现了危机。对国家的不信任必然导致对各种制度的不服从,这无疑破坏了整个社会构建信任关系的环境,并使社会行为者无法有序地安排自己的行为预期。
9, Along with the deepening of globalization and informationalization, the reform of a country’s governance must accept the judgement from international society and also needs to learn lessons from international experiences. Meanwhile it needs to be open.
9, 随着全球化的深化和社会信息化的普及,使得一国的治理改革既必须接受国际社会的评价也能够汲取国际上的经验教训,必须保持开放的状态。
10, In the governance system of a modern country, though the State shoulders the responsibility of the firewall, but it should not be the “all around responsible body” in the highly planned economic era. Only allowing all governing bodies to shoulder their responsibilities and duties can there be a reasonable relation between the state and society and among different internal sectors.
在现代国家治理体系中,国家虽然承担着最后防火墙式的“垫底”责任,但已经不是高度计划经济时代中的“全能责任人”。只有让各治理主体承担起各自的责任和义务,才能使国家与社会的关系,以及社会内部的关系实现合理化。
11, Not only do we need a modern governance path that is suitable for China’s situation and the construction of a governance system of Chinese characteristics to solve all kinds of problems in China; but we also need to respond to the requests and judgement from international society. Therefore dialogue and communication is needed with the international society.  
治理现代化不仅要走一条适合中国国情的道路,构建出一套具有中国特色的治理体系,解决中国式的各种问题,而且还要直接回应国际社会的要求和评价,因此就要加强同国际社会的对话交流。


Wednesday, May 27, 2015

Admiral Qin Tian, news and commentaries, 2015.5.27

By Qiu Shi
1, Chairman Xi clearly pointed out that under new historical circumstances, the army must “stead forwardly protect the Party’s leadership and socialism with Chinese characteristics; firmly protect the country’s sovereignty, security and interest of development; firmly protect the important strategic development period for China; and firmly protect regional and international peace.
习近平主席明确指出,新的历史条件下,军队必须“坚决维护党的领导和中国特色社会主义制度,坚决维护国家主权、安全和发展利益,坚决维护我国发展的重要战略机遇期,坚决维护地区与世界和平。”

2, We are making a history documentary called Forward! Forward! Forward! which is mainly to advocate the army’s spirit.
我们正在搞一部史论片,叫《向前!向前!向前!》,主旨就是弘扬军魂。   

3, This documentary is based on history, but it is not simply a history documentary. It is linked through advocacy of the army’s spirit and highlights the people’s army’s red gene and great forces. From the Opium War in 1894, what the Chinese army has been like? A Japanese army officer once said that he was ashamed to fight with enemies like China. He said we were corrupted, greedy, coward, afraid of death, and easy to give up. In a nutshell, he thought we were useless. However, four decades has passed, in this land, still this nation, there is an unprecedented army, and we did an incredible thing - the Long March.  
3,这部片子是以史为背景,但不是单纯的军史片,而是以弘扬军魂为主线,揭示人民军队红色基因的本质和巨大力量。从1894年甲午战争说起,那时候的中国军队是什么样子?有个日本军官曾经说,他羞于与这样的敌人作战,腐败、贪婪、怯战、贪生怕死、望风而逃,可以说是不堪一击。然而,仅仅40年过去,还是这片土地,还是这个民族,就产生了一支举世无双的军队,干了一件惊天动地的事情——二万五千里长征。
4,What is 40 years like? It is not even a glimpse of second in a nation’s long history. But how come there was such a drastic change? How come there were so many amazing achievements? How many touching and impressive stories are there? I think this is because of genetic mutation - it is a positive genetic mutation of this nation, and this army. What are the results? This people’s army overthrew three mountains and built up a new China. Afterwards there was the Korean War, and we defeated the joint armies spearheaded by the United States.
4, 40年是个什么概念?它在一个民族漫长的历史中恐怕连一瞬都算不上。但为什么会有这样的巨变?为什么会有这样的壮举?这当中又有多少惊天地泣鬼神的故事?我说这是因为“基因突变”——是这个民族、这支军队产生的一次基因的正突变。其结果是什么?这支人民军队以摧枯拉朽之势一路打下来,推翻三座大山,建立了新中国。接着抗美援朝,跨过鸭绿江,打败美国为首的“联合国军”。

5, How come we could have so many achievements in just a few decades? It is because of the army’s spirit. It is because of the Chinese Communist Party. These loyal Communist Party Members gave spirit to this army and provided it with steel and iron will, as well as the overpassing force. Nowadays we think back about them and there is a whole-hearted calling: the spirit is back.
5, 就这么几十年的时间,为什么能这样?就是军魂在起作用。是中国共产党,是那些坚定的共产党人,给这支军队注入了一个魂,赋予它钢铁般的意志和战胜一切的力量。今天回忆他们,我们发自内心呼唤:魂兮归来。

6, In the past few years there is great economic achievement but some areas are lost. There are some people in the Party, including some leaders and cadres, their political awareness, awareness of perspectives, awareness of base and awareness of the enemy is weakened and diluted. Some people even think that if we continue to develop like this there will be no fundamental difference between China and Western Capitalist societies. They think there is no meaning to debate on ideology or political system. They have lost their confidence on the system, on theories, and on the path; they think that all roads lead to the same destination. They think it is a general trend for the whole world to be the same eventually. Under this backdrop, we could see there are internal problems of not caring ideology work, or don’t dare to take care of ideological work, or they don’t know how to do it.
6, 这些年来经济发展的成就巨大,但一些重要阵地失守了。党内很多人,包括有些领导干部,其政治意识、立场意识、阵地意识、敌情意识确实薄弱了、淡化了。一些人甚至认为,这样发展下去,中国和西方资本主义还有什么本质区别,意识形态之争、制度模式之争还有什么意义?他们内心早已失去了道路自信、理论自信和制度自信,认为所谓“殊途同归”、“世界大同”已成为必然趋势。在这样的背景下,客观上存在着对意识形态工作不想抓、不敢抓和不会抓的问题。
7, Another is external danger - the West has permeated into our politics, thinking and culture more than ever. How do we view this problem? I believe there are two types of people in our system: one type are really stupid; the other pretend to be stupid. The problem is serious because there are less and less people who are really stupid, but more and more people who pretend to be stupid. Many people know the consequences of Western dissimilation, but they don’t really show their stance, of they have shifted their stance, which is serious. If we don’t seriously target this problem, China will become the second Soviet Union sooner or later.
7, 另一个是外部危险——西方对我们的政治、思想和文化渗透已经到了无以复加的地步。对这个问题怎么看?我认为,我们体制内有这么两种人:一种是真傻,一种是装傻。而问题的严重性在于,真傻的越来越少,装傻的越来越多。很多人明明知道西方渗透的后果是什么,但就是不表明立场,或者说立场已经转过去了,这才是最要害的。这个问题如果不尖锐指出,中国迟早有一天会成为第二个苏联.

By People’s Daily

(The last paragraph)

People of Authority: Influenced by complicated setting and other elements, currently the whole society is at a sensitive stage, and it is vitally important to stabilize people’s expectations. Market expectation and economic development could mutually influence each other and create a positive circle. A stable expectation and increased confidence could encourage the whole society’s passion to start their own businesses and increase the dynamics of market forces, therefore it will become an important momentum for economic development. Clear policy signal is key to stabilization. We could see that it is clear that the Party and the government is promoting towards the reform of marketization. And the support to entrepreneurs is consistent. We continue our system of public ownership with support of other types of ownership, which is the basic economic system in the beginning phase of socialism. The central government has not changed its direction to reform of state-owned enterprises. It has not changed its general guideline to protect the property of private entrepreneurs. It has not changed its policy to continue reform and open up and take advantage of foreign assets.
权威人士:受复杂局面和多种因素影响,当前社会心理预期处于敏感阶段,稳定预期至关重要。市场预期与经济发展可以彼此促进、良性循环。预期稳,信心增,有利于激发全社会创业创新的热情,增强市场主体的活力,进而转化为经济发展的重要动力。明确的政策信号是稳预期的关键。应当看到,党和政府推进市场化改革的方向是明确的,对企业家的支持是一贯的。坚持以公有制为主体,多种所有制经济共同发展,是社会主义初级阶段的基本经济制度。中央坚持国有企业改革方向没有变,保护民营企业产权方针没有变,坚持对外开放和利用外资政策也没有变。

The writer Liu Shan is the deputy director of China Business Times, holder of PhD in Economics

1, For a news report generally there should be at least three pieces of key information, when, where, what happened. This was a headline story at the front page of People’s Daily, which is the most important news that day, but the “people of authority” is anonymous. The incomplete information at such an important location is obviously not a silly mistake from the editorial team. It is because it is not convenient to reveal the messenger’s identity, which highlights the secretiveness and uniqueness of this report, therefore, reveals its importance to interpret. From the logic of Chinese politics, this (these) people of authority must be in a special position and is influential in general public decision making - this piece of news is actually revealing the Central government’s analysis and judgement on the economic trend to the outside.
1,新闻报道一般至少包含三个要素,即什么时间,在哪里,发生了什么。这是一篇头版头条文章,是当天最重要报道,但被采访的权威人士未具名,新闻要素明显不全,在如此重要位置出现这种情况,显然不是编辑部犯了低级错误,而是不便透露人物身份,这凸显报道的神秘性和特殊性,更使得报道具有解读价值。从中国政治逻辑看,该权威人士一定身份特殊,对宏观决策具有影响力,这篇报道实际是在向外界传达中共中央对经济大势的分析与判断。

Signal one: There will not be a collapsing downfall in the economy. The central government is confident and capable.
信号一,经济不会出现断崖式下落,中央有定力。
Signal two: People need to actively shift the structure; those who are not active will suffer.
信号二,调结构要主动,谁不主动谁吃亏。
Signal three: Investment is still the leading force. New policies are needed for boosting consumption.
信号三,投资仍是主力军,消费要有新政策。
Signal four: The bull market is still the long-term need.
信号四,牛市是长期需要。
Signal five: Avoiding risk is a big picture. They might punish a small group to show to everyone in order to avoid seriously bad debt.
信号五,防风险是一盘棋,打破刚性兑付,杀鸡给猴看。
Signal six: Real estate is still not easy to sell.
信号六,房地产还是不好卖。
Signal 7: Macro planning will play on balance.
信号七,宏观调控要玩平衡。
Signal 8: General policy stays the same, still encourages creating wealth.

信号八,政策不会变,鼓励发财致富。