News and commentaries, 15-03-13

During sensitive this time, Yan Huang Chun Qiu published articles praising Zhao Ziyang, may have some significant meaning

1, There are a few articles in the latest issue of Yan Huang Chun Qiu that commemorated Zhao Ziyang, including the cover article Deng Xiaoping and His Speech on May 13, the Formation and Procedure of Development Strategies in Coastal Cities and a 10,000 words article written by a professional from the newsroom of Hu Yaobang’s Funeral Office. There were also many old pictures of Zhao Ziyang.

1,《炎黄春秋》最新一期刊登的多篇回忆赵紫阳的文章包括封面文章《邓小平与“5．13讲话”》、《沿海发展战略的形成与实施》，还有胡耀邦治丧办公室新闻组人员李平发表的近万字文章等，文章一并附上多幅包括赵紫阳在内的旧照。

2, Yan Huang Chun Qiu was founded in 1991 and it is a general monthly magazine based on historical contents. In the past few years, as an avant-garde reformist magazine, it has built a solid ground on its critical rendition of history. And it is very popular among readers. The most striking characteristic of this magazine is that it always advocates political reform and it is courageous to challenge sensitive issues. It also explicitly advocates freedom of speech.

2,《炎黄春秋》创刊于1991年，是一本以历史内容为主的综合性月刊杂志。近年来，该杂志作为一本立足于历史批判的改革派先锋杂志，广受读者青睐。杂志的最大特点在于一贯主张政治改革，勇于挑战敏感话题，并旗帜鲜明地拥护言论自由。

3, In terms of such bold stance, some scholars think that it is because this magazine is independent. It is a private magazine and has never received any political subsidies or large volume of subscription from the Communist Party or the government. Its capital is from subscription of ordinary readers. Financial independence is a good shield and it could resist some editorial and personnel pressure from the government.

3, 对于《炎黄春秋》为何能保持如此大胆的姿态，有学者指出，首先在于杂志社的独立性。《炎黄春秋》杂志社是一家民间出版社，从未获得过中国共产党和政府的财政补助或批量订购，资金来自于普通读者的订阅。以财政方面的独立性作为盾牌，杂志社就能在编辑方针和人事方面抵抗来自政府的压力。

4, Besides, main people in the magazine are very resourceful. The director Du Dao used to be the director of China News     Press in the 1980s. Deputy director Yang Jisheng used to be a senior journalist from Xinhua News Agency. The editor is famous historian Wu Si. The experienced reformist consultant of the magazine Li Rui used to be Mao Zedong’s secretary.

4此外，杂志得到了一个强大人脉圈的支持。出版社社长杜导正曾在1980年代担任中国新闻出版总署署长。副社长为新华社原高级记者杨继绳，主编则是著名历史学家吴思。曾担任毛泽东秘书的党内改革派元老李锐担任杂志社顾问。

Emancipate Chinese Academy of Social Sciences from Bo Xilai’s Shadow

The writer of this article is Xiao Shu 笑蜀 (real name is Chen Min). He used to be the editorial commentator at Southern Weekly. He is a very respected journalist. He is one of the major contributors of the New Citizen’s Movement.

According to Wikipedia, his two books Voice of History and Truth of Liu Wencai were published in 1999 and banned right away. He was the executive editor of China Reform Magazine from 2002 to 2005 --  a very good, reformist magazine. He joined Southern Weekly in 2005 and was “fired” in 2011. On September 11, 2012, his Sina Weibo account was deleted by the government.

1, I have seen a document online reporting the currently popular Wang Weiguang, director of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. The content of the report is that the authorization of his position was forged.

1, 网上看到一份举报材料， 举报物件即为当下红极一时的社科院院长王伟光，内容是其职称评定造假作弊。

2, This kind of story in Chinese Academy of Social Sciences is not rare. For example, when Bo Xilai was chairing Chongqing, many senior leaders from CASS including Li Shenming, Zhu Jiamu and Wang Weiguang all fled out to Chongqing to try to please Bo Xilai. Bo’s so-called “Chongqing Practice of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics” series research was spearheaded by the then deputy director of CASS Wang Weiguang. It was No.1 research project among 12 projects. From June 23-25, 2011, Wang Weiguang brought directors from different academic institutes and many scholars to Chongqing and held “Communal Wealth and Socialist Theories of Chinese Characteristics” seminar. Wang organized the seminar together with Bo Xilai. The theme of the seminar was actually to add color for the “Chongqing Model”.

2,此类故事，社科院并非孤例。比如，薄熙来主政重庆期间，李慎明、朱佳木包括王伟光本人等社科院高层几乎倾巢而出，争相到重庆给薄熙来交投名状。薄熙来所谓“中国特色社会主义在重庆的实践”系列研究，时任社科院常务副院长的王伟光是领衔专家，在12个课题中排名第一。2011年6月23日至25日，王伟光更亲自带队，率各所所长和众多学者奔赴重庆，跟薄熙来共同主办所谓“共同富裕与中国特色社会主义理论研讨会”。会议主题即为所谓 “重庆模式”涂脂抹粉。

3, There are stories in the academia saying that some leader gave 40 million Yuan to support Chongqing, and some professor from Tsinghua also bought villas in Chongqing with very low prices. As the leader of these research projects, and also as the person in the highest administrative position, Wang Weiguang must have got lots of fund from these research projects. All these research projects are funded by the government, which means by tax payers’ money. Actually it is already proven that what Wang Weiguang and his colleagues have produced with this huge amount of money is not only garbage, but also poison. It was the typical trade between power and money and academic corruption.

3, 坊间有称学界某领导拿了四千万课题费为重庆坐台，清华某教授拿了课题费还低价买了重庆别墅。王伟光作为头号课题的牵头人，薄氏智囊团领袖，行政级别也远比他们高，所得课题费一定只多不少。这些所谓课题费无一不出自公共财政，即都是纳税人的钱；而且事实已经证明，王伟光等人拿这些课题费炮制出来的不仅是垃圾，更是毒品，属於典型的权钱交易、学术腐败。

4, Utopia and CASS that’s governed by Wang Weiguang and Li Shenming have become intimate political alliances. In another word, Wang Weiguang and Li Shenming are actually Zhang Hongliang (main contributor at Utopia) within the system. They have made  CASS a big camp of extreme leftism, which is drastically different from the Party School that has maintained its political openness, diversity and tolerance.

4, 乌有之乡与王伟光、李慎明治下的社科院，已经结成政治上的亲密盟友。或者换句话说，王伟光、李慎明其实就是体制内的张宏良，他们把社科院办成了体制内的乌有之乡，办成了体制内的极左大本营，而跟仍然保持着思想上的开放性、多元性、包容性的中央党校，形成鲜明对比。

5, CASS is funded by taxpayers and it is a public institution. CASS should only serve taxpayers and for public interests. However, reality has shown that CASS has become a private instrument for Wang Weiguang and Li Shenming to serve their political agendas. This is the abduction of taxpayers and it is a betrayal of public interests.

5, 社科院是纳税人养的，是社会公器，社科院只能服务于纳税人，只能服务於最大化的公共利益。但事实证明社科院已经蜕变成了王伟光、李慎明的私器，仅仅服务於他们的个人政治目的。这是对纳税人最大的绑架，对公共利益最大的背叛。

China’s New Workers, Culture and Fate, a new book published by sociologist LV Tu, 吕途, who is reportedly based in the Netherlands, where she completed her MA and PhD in Sociology.  

This is the sister book of China’s New Workers, Lost and Rise published in the beginning of 2013. Professor Wang Hui wrote a very academic prelude for this book.

1,(Editor’s note) There are four parts in this book: Our Work, Our Life, Be What Kind of Person, and Cultural Practice of New Workers. There are 16 chapters in this book and they are consisted of life stories of 13 workers, as well as the writers’ work experiences in a Taiwan-owned and Germany-owned factory.

1, 全书共分四个部分：“我们的工作”、“我们的生活”、“做什么样的人”和“新工人文化的实践”。全书共十六章，由13名工友的生命故事、和作者在台资厂和德资厂的打工体验组成。

2, (Prelude) This book uses workers’ life stories to depict the comprehensive control of the Capital on laborers. It describes the realities and its representation. From her own epistemological perspective, the writer explains and analyzes how these laborers are manipulated by the logic of the Capital, as well as how they struggle helplessly, how they seek comfort, numb themselves and can’t find a way out. This book does not discuss cultural theories. It tries to present easy and accessible cultural analysis from some cultural phenomenon. The goal is to connect the daily life and work of these laborers with their personal happiness, group development and social advancement and progress. Only when this connection is made, can there be a way out for individuals and the society in whole. History and reality has taught us time and time again that no change is random. It is the result of interpersonal cooperation and shouldering social responsibility together. The cultural analysis of this book hopes to invoke more people to actively shoulder social responsibility. Cursing online, on Weibo or talking big is not shouldering social responsibility. The future of individuals and the society depends on: how do people choose their personal path and how do they practice their responsibility in their daily life and work, bit by bit.

2, 本书用工友的生命故事来描述资本对劳动者进行全面控制的现状和表现，从作者的认识角度来解释和分析劳动者是如何在资本的逻辑下被操纵、无奈挣扎、寻找安慰、麻痹自我和没有出路。本书不讨论文化理论的问题，而是从文化表象出发做一些浅显易懂的文化分析。目的是让劳动者把自己的日常生活和工作，与个人幸福、群体出路、社会的进步和发展连接起来，只有建立了这种联系，个体和社会才有出路。历史和现实一次次告诉我们，任何变化都不是自然而然发生的，而是人与人共同合作承担社会责任的结果。本书文化分析的期望就是唤起更多人去主动承担社会责任，在微博和网络上骂人或者夸夸其谈不是承担社会责任。个人和社会的未来取决于：人如何选择自己的人生道路并在日常生活和工作的点点滴滴中践行自己的责任。

2, This book hopes to describe a kind of new workers’ cultural state through some laborers’ life stories. When we don’t understand a group we generally tend to imagine them with judgment. One kind of imagination is that once we mention workers, we project the image of “We workers have strength” (a lyric from a song called Song of Oil Workers,1964). This is not necessarily representative of the real situation of new workers, because I have seen too many workers work in factories toiling like machines. After work they go to Internet cafes or watch Korean soap operas to numb themselves. Another projection is that the new generation of workers have a much stronger power awareness and civil awareness. Therefore they will actively fight for their rights in urban cities. This kind of imagination does not necessarily reflect workers’ status either.

2, 本书希望通过一些工友的生命故事来描述新工人的文化状态。在我们不了解一个群体的时候，我们往往会带着想像去判断。一种想像是，一提到工人，就带着“我们工人有力量”的想像。这不一定代表新工人的真实状态，因为我看到了太多的工人在车间里如同机器一样地劳作，下了班以后泡在网吧和韩剧中麻木自己；一种想像是，新生代的打工者比第一代打工者有了更强烈的权力意识和公民意识，会积极争取在城市的权力。这样的想像也不一定反映工人的状态。

3, The research and writing of this book lasted three years. Research started in June 2011 and the first draft was finished in December 2013. In June 2014 there were more changes on this book.

3,这本书的调研和写作历时3年，调研起始于2011年6月，初稿完成于2013年12月，2014年6月再一次对书稿进行了补充和修改。

4, (Part of Chapter 1) The third definition of culture is its “social” dimension. Culture is a kind of overall lifestyle. This book uses Raymond Williams’ third definition of culture, which is, culture is a kind of overall lifestyle. It happens daily. It is individual as well as cultural. It could only be experienced by those who live at that certain time and in that certain place. Its content includes organization of production, family structure, the structure that shapes social relations and systems, the unique ways that its social members communicate. The key is their interrelation among these elements. Culture is the culture of its people. It is the experience of a wholesale lifestyle right here, right now.

4, 第三种是文化的‘社会’定义。文化是一种整体的生活方式。”本书采用的是威廉斯对文化的第三种定义，即：文化是一种整体的生活方式，是日常的，既是个体的更是社会的，是只有生活在那个时代和那个地方的人才能有的体验；其内容包括：“生产组织、家庭结构、表现或制约社会关系的制度的结构、社会成员借以交流的独特形式” ，最关键的是这些要素之间的相互作用；文化是人的文化，是人对生活在此时此地的整体生活方式的体验。

News and commentaries, 2015-03-11

Looking at the Angry Youth Economy from the Mainland-Hong Kong issue

By Zhao Yifang (Frank Zhao, a freelance journalist based in BC)

1, The problem between mainland and Hong Kong is deep and the media takes advantage of the situation and makes it worse. They worsen a political issue to ethnic antagonism and they bring ethnic antagonism to a higher level. However, they make money from the same thing -- clicks from those angry youth.

1, 中港问题根源深厚，但媒体利用机会推波助澜。把政治问题推到族群对立，然后把族群对立再推上另一个层次。所以我一直说孔庆东当时的媒体和苹果日报根本上是一类人，表面上立场对立，但其实他们靠同样一种东西赚钱 -- 那就是来自愤青的点击率。

2, So we always think that media bosses are always influenced by political power. Actually besides political power, many “political acts” of some media organizations are actually the result of a product chain.

2, 所以我们总以为媒体老被政治势力影响，其实除了政治势力，媒体的很多“政治行为”背后其实也是一个产业链的诞生。

3, In the end I would like to remind everyone, those who “curse others as dogs” and those who “curse others as locusts” are actually the same type of people. If you change their life background, an angry youth from the mainland will be an angry youth from Hong Kong.

3,最后笔者要提醒大家的是，“骂狗”和“骂蝗虫”的基本是同一种人。如果他们生活背景互换，大陆愤青就会成为一个香港愤青。

Tang Yinghong: Why “Under the Dome” Went Viral

China Digital Times translated psychologist Tang Yinghong’s article into English. Here is his key ideas. Tang Yinghong is a lecturer in Psychology at Leshan Normal University’s Institute of Educational Science.

Before Chai Jing’s film, most efforts to draw people’s attention or stir debate were killed by the authorities. This long-controlled, sensitive public topic suddenly saw high-profile dissemination, allowing many who have long been harmed by smog an opportunity to release long-suppressed emotions, opinions, and feelings.

This is why a video that didn’t provide new information could gain nearly unanimous support. When people watched, forwarded, and discussed, it wasn’t about updating concepts, but rather about venting. Chai Jing’s film expressed personal feelings that people for years couldn’t express personally. This is the major social psychological basis for the wide dissemination of Chai Jing’s video.

However, for another group of people who had already deeply reflected on the topic, Chai Jing’s speech was nothing but a cliche. To them, the wide dissemination “buried” more essential social and political factors, attributing smog to economic and technological factors. It is clearly dodging the inconvenient side of the story, and even carries the risk of misleading society. They would like to “reset the topic” beyond Chai Jing’s film and engage in a valuable investigation into the origin of smog and the deeper reasons behind it. This has created disagreement and conflict between the “thumbs-up” majority and the criticism of opinion leaders, which makes Chai Jing’s smog film a highly contentious public event and topic.

Why do I say rats and fleas go wild if there are no clear rules to combat corruption?

The writer is CEO of Beijing Kingsberry Garden Agriculture Technology Ltd, Mr. Cai Xiaopeng. This the script of a speech Mr. Cai addressed at a Central Commission for Discipline Inspection meeting with private entrepreneurs.  I thought this might be worth reading because Mr. Cai went to study law at Renmin University at 1978 and used to work at Ministry of Commerce, the State Council’s Agriculture Development Research Institute and Ministry of Agriculture. This speech was circulated in late November last year and attracted lots of attention. It is 9000 characters long and full of details of corruption. South China Morning Post has introduced this speech:

The speech's author, Cai Xiaopeng, is a retired bureaucrat now heading a fruit growing and processing firm in Beijing. His tales of rotten government attracted widespread attention not just because he and Wang worked closely together in the 1980s but also because of the ways corrupt and faceless bureaucrats openly stole from the kinds of smaller companies that the leaders are counting on driving the economy forward.

Speaking in October at a meeting partly organised by the CCDI, Cai detailed how "brazen thieves and bandits" from various government arms robbed, extorted and harassed private firms, citing his own company as an example.

He said officials would descend on a fruit farm with family members or superiors "like whirring flies" during picking season and demand to be entertained and fed before leaving with crates of free fruit.

Before the Lunar New Year or other holidays, his company would routinely receive requests from officials for money and gifts, as well as demands for cash for meals, holidays and even prostitutes. There were so many requests the company had to hire two people to handle them.

Then there was the time his firm planned to transfer a subsidiary from one Beijing district to another. The move was delayed for more than a year until the firm paid 50,000 yuan (HK$63,000) in bribes to the local tax authorities. In 2012, the firm budgeted 1 million yuan to open a downtown juice bar, leasing a 20 sq m shop for 600,000 yuan a year. It took 11 months to get three essential pieces of paperwork despite paying 100,000 yuan in bribes. By the time the permits came through, the company decided to shut down the business because the budget had run dry.

The catalogue of corruption continued with water officials threatening to fine the company 20,000 yuan for dripping taps, environmental officials demanding a 100,000 yuan fine for chimney dust and fire safety officials asking for 30,000 yuan when fire hoses failed to meet standards.

Ironically, as leaders have rolled out stringent controls on food safety after a spate of deadly scandals in recent years, they have also given officials more lucrative opportunities to extort money.

Cai said that before a food factory could operate, it needed more than 400 permits from 18 departments. Six years after his firm set up a processing plant in Shunyi district, it was still waiting for the final go-ahead to start a dried fruit production line even though the company spent millions of yuan to comply with standards.

While he acknowledged that the anti-graft campaign has drastically cut harassment from officials, Cai called for changes to a system that has become a breeding ground for what he called "rats, flies and fleas".

News and Commentaries, 15-03-06

A Chronicle of China’s Campaign to Rectify Political Ideology at Universities: 2014-2015

(Xue’s note: I saw this blog directed from China Digital Times today and thought this was relevant to our research. This is a very long chronicle and I have copied and pasted three most striking quotes. )

July 29, 2014, Wang Weiguang gave a speech which was subsequently published under the title "Wang Weiguang's Speech at CASS's 2014 'Three Discipline Projects' Working Meeting" (王伟光在中国社科院2014年“三项纪律”建设专题工作会议上的讲话). Some excerpts:

CASS is not some loose alliance of "freelance writers," but rather is an important battle front for ideological propaganda led by the Party, an important mechanism for academic theory, and an important battlefield for ideology.

. . . .

CASS is not some loose alliance of "freelance writers" who can come and go as they please, say whatever is on their minds, write whatever they want to write. It is apolitical, unorganized, or undisciplined.

A so-called "freelance writer" is not some "liberated literati" or "cultural entrepreneur" who is entirely free from leadership by a political party, unrestricted by group discipline, or unrestrained by ethical norms. In real life there is no such thing as a so-called "freelance writer" who is entirely without a political position or an ideological disposition. In the old China, which was subjected to reactionary rule, there were advanced intellectuals who were identified or self-identified as "freelance writers," but in fact they were pursuing ambitious ideals, soldiers in the struggle for the people's enterprise. Lu Xun is an outstanding representative of this group. Under the conditions of Party-led socialism with Chinese characteristics, anyone who would think to become a completely unrestricted "freelance writer" and attempt to cast off the leadership of the Party, veer from the larger political direction, and cease to do scholarship in service of the people, no matter how they try to make it seem praise-worthy, really are they are doing is consciously or unconsciously either pursuing personal aggrandizement or being used as the tool of some third party to achieve some political purpose. Certain extremists have even embarked on a path that is anti-Party and anti-socialism. Under no circumstances will CASS engage in any theoretical academic research for the sake of one person's fame or some other political goal. Rather, our scholarship serves the Party, the people, the development of China, and the vitality of its people. CASS members are not merely common academics, but rather are cultural workers for the Party's ideological theories and, beyond that, soldiers on the Party's ideological and cultural front lines. We absolutely would not stoop to the level of a "freelance writer," and act like some those public Big Vs and Internet intellectuals and engage in self-promotion, speak on our own behalf, or do whatever amuses us. Every comrade at CASS must be clear on this: the Party and the State have no need for this kind of scholar. All of CASS's research must be in the service of the needs of the Party and the people,  in the service of policy-making of the Communist Party Central Committee, in the service of the glory of the development of liberal arts with Chinese characteristics, and in the service of the enterprise of socialism with Chinese characteristics. And when it comes to problematic speech, we must dare to speak out to repudiate it and launch struggles against it in order to provide physical and intellectual support to the promotion of socialism with Chinese characteristics and the early realization of the Chinese dream of the grand resurgence of the Chinese people.

At the same time, we should insist upon the policy of "let 100 flowers bloom, let 100 schools of thought contend" in order to provide CASS members with sufficient creative space and academic freedom. Of course, academic freedom must be measured by the yardstick of correct political orientation, and subject to the restrictions of Party discipline, national laws, and ethical norms. Only in this way can we ensure that scholarly research will not veer off course.

中国社会科学院不是“自由撰稿人”的松散联盟，而是党领导的宣传思想的重要战线、学术理论的重要机构、意识形态的重要阵地。

. . . .

我院不是“自由撰稿人”的松散联盟，想来就来，想走就走，想说什么就说什么，想写什么就写什么，想干什么就干什么，毫无政治性、组织性和纪律性。

所谓“自由撰稿人”，就是不受任何政党领导、不受任何组织纪律限制、不受任何道德规范约束的“自由文人”或“文化个体户”。在现实生活中，根本不存在没有任何政治立场和思想倾向的所谓“自由撰稿人”。在反动统治下的旧中国，虽然有的先进知识分子自称或被称为“自由撰稿人”，但他们实际上是追求远大理想，为人民事业而奋斗的战士，鲁迅先生就是其中的杰出代表。在党领导的中国特色社会主义条件下，企图摆脱党的领导，离开政治大方向，离开为人民做学问，做不受任何约束的“自由撰稿人”，无论怎样标榜，充其量也都不过是自觉不自觉地为追逐个人名利，或为他人所利用以达到某种政治目的的工具，极端者甚至会走上反党反社会主义的道路。我院学者绝不能为了个人名利或其他什么政治目的而从事理论学术研究，而要为党和人民做学问，为国家发展和民族振兴服务。我院的研究人员不仅仅是普通学者，而是党的思想理论文化工作者，更是党的思想文化战线上的战士，决不能把自己降低到一个“自由撰稿人”的地位上，“自拉自唱”、“自说自话”、“自娱自乐”，如社会大V、网络公知那样。党和国家不需要这样的学者，这一点全院同志必须明白。我院的一切研究都要服从党和人民的需要，为党中央的决策服务，为繁荣发展中国特色的哲学社会科学服务，为中国特色社会主义事业服务。对于错误言论要敢于发声批判、展开斗争，为推进中国特色社会主义事业，为早日实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦提供精神动力和智力支持。

. . . .

同时，还应坚决贯彻“百花齐放、百家争鸣”方针，为科研人员提供充分的创造空间和学术自由。. . . . 当然，学术自由必须以正确的政治方向为准绳，以党纪国法和道德规范为约束，只有这样才能保障学术研究不走偏。

Feb. 4, 2014: Unfurl the Banners of the Ideological Struggle

People have built up a strong fence, but then we go and throw the gate wide open, because anything that is Western must be good. Just look at NetEase's "Open Classroom" as a random example. It takes foreign university classes and move them online into its own website. Internationalizing is not something bad, but it cannot be done with no sense of guardedness whatsoever, and at the very least there needs to be a line of caution, and not simply blindly studying. There are many similar examples, while we continue to internationalize ourselves, we should learn how to absorb what is nourishing, but be watchful against any kind of shrewd infiltration.Under no circumstances allow some bizarre genetic mutation whereby we become transformed into zombies spreading the virus of Western value systems.

人家筑牢了篱笆，我们则敞开大门，凡是西方的就是好的。随便举个例子，譬如网易的公开课，把外国的大学课堂搬到了自家的互联网上。国际化不是坏事但不能毫无戒备之心，起码心里应该有根警惕的弦，不能傻学。类似的事情还有很多，我们在努力让自己国际化，但进程中既要学会吸收营养，也要警惕各种老谋深算的渗透，绝不能被莫名其妙地转了基因，转而成为传播西方政治价值病毒的僵尸。

February 5, 2015, the website of the China Education Daily (sponsored by the Ministry of Education) published an editorial by a pseudonymous commentator entitled "Strengthening University Ideology Work is Not 'Brainwashing'" (加强高校意识形态工作不是“洗脑”). Some excerpts:

We have observed that when some people see strengthening ideology building they have a very negative reaction, and believe this is about "unifying thought" and "suppressing academic freedom." There may be many reasons for this. The first is that some people don't have a full understanding of the true meaning of strengthening ideology. They do not understand ideology, and their impressions remain at the conceptual stage, and therefore easily believe that strengthening ideology building is simply "brainwashing."

The second reason is that propaganda is not meeting its goals, and the "ideology" as it is commonly understood by the people continues to be abstract in content, and people have no personal experience to relate it to, and therefore have a strong sense of discomfort.

The third reason is that some people really do worship everything foreign, "the foreign moon is fuller than the China moon," and this drives some people to have a confused understanding of ideology.

. . . .

All social activities and public discourse must comply with State's laws and regulations. This is a criteria for a modern civilized society. In our universities some teachers speak out in public forums to advocate things that violate China's laws and regulations, with the result that our students are being ideologically led astray. Clearly, this is not within the scope of academic freedom. Furthermore, this kind of thing is no longer the exception in our universities. This, therefore, is the target of strengthening university ideology construction.

Some commentary has noted that officials are opposed to the dissemination of Western value systems. But this is primarily with respect to Western political values, and not the ordinary philosophy of Western societies. Western political values are incompatible with China's political realities, and if they were to achieve a large scale infiltration into Chinese society, they would inevitably lead to an erosion of China's political foundations, and in the end would lead to uncertainty for China's political stability.

我们观察到，部分人一看到加强意识形态建设，就非常反感，就认为是“统一思想”、“压制学术自由”，这可能有多方面的原因。一是部分人并没有认识到加强意识形态的真正内涵，对意识形态不了解、不明白，印象只停留在概念化上，就很容易认为加强意识形态建设就是“洗脑”。二是宣传不到位，人们往常多了解到的“意识形态”，往往是概念化的内容，而非切身的感受和身边的事例，人们对此很有反感。三是部分人的确是崇洋媚外，“外国的月亮比中国圆”，并带动了部分人思想认识模糊。

. . . .

任何的社会活动和公开言论，都必须符合国家法律规定，这是现代文明社会的一个准则。在高校，部分教师公开在讲坛上鼓吹违背我国法律规定的内容，给学生带来极大思想误导，显然，这已不是学术自由的范围了。而这样的现象，在目前高校已经不是个例。因此，这也是加强高校意识形态建设的目的所在。

有评论指出，官方反对宣扬西方价值观，这里指的主要是西方政治价值观，不是西方社会的日常哲学。西方的这一价值观无法对应中国政治现实，它如果大规模渗透进中国社会，必将对中国的政治根基造成侵蚀，最终导致中国政治稳定方面的严重不确定性。

Fully Understand Characteristics of Chinese Values

By Chen Lai, Professor at Tsinghua University’s Department of Philosophy

1, When we discuss special characteristics of Chinese values, we can’t limit ourselves to just Chinese culture. We should find reference of Western culture, particularly contemporary Western cultural values. Compared to contemporary Western values, there are four major characteristics of Chinese values.

1, 我们讨论中华价值观的特色，就不能局限于中华文化本身，而要将西方文化特别是西方近现代价值观作为比较对象。中华价值观与西方近现代价值观相比，主要表现出四大特色。

2, Responsibility before freedom: Chinese values stress individual’s responsibility towards others, the community and the whole nature. It demonstrates a strong sense of responsibility. The perspective of Chinese values on relations is different from the individual-oriented perspective. It advocates that when an individual is constructing a relation/link/connection with others, they should not be self-centered. They should be self-possessed, but they should take others more seriously. And their personal interests should submit to responsibilities.

2, 责任先于自由: 中华价值观强调个人对他人、社群甚至自然界所负有的责任，体现出强烈的责任意识。中华价值观注重关系的立场与个人本位的立场不同，它主张个人与他方构成关系时不能以自我为中心，而应以自我为出发点、以对方为重，个人利益要服从责任的要求。

3, In contemporary mainstream Western culture, human rights is a moral and political requirement that the individual demands from the country and the government. It focuses more on the government’s responsibility and duty. However, it can’t clearly define individuals’ responsibilities and duties towards their family, others and the society. This kind of value of rights is the core of contemporary Western liberalism philosophy. It is the consequence of contemporary Western civil society and political development. However, it focuses on individual’s requirements towards society, and ignores individuals’ responsibility towards society. It focuses on individuals’ protection of their own rights, and ignores the fact that individuals have the responsibility to respect other people’s rights.

3, 在西方近现代主流文化中，人权是个人对国家和政府提出的道德、政治要求，更多涉及政府的责任和义务，却无法界定个人对家庭、他人、社会的责任和义务。这种权利观念是西方近现代自由主义哲学的核心，是西方近代市民社会和政治发展的产物。但它把焦点集中在个人对社会的要求，而忽视个人对社会的责任;集中在个人对自己权利的保护，而忽视个人也有尊重他人权利的责任。

4: Duty before rights: Contemporary Western values highly stress the priority of individual rights. However, Chinese values, particularly Confucian values stress the priority of duty more. In contemporary society, the rights of individuals’ survival and development is guaranteed by the Constitution and the law. Of course it is also acknowledged by social values. However, it does not necessarily mean that individual rights are the most important principle, or social values only provide support for individual rights. In terms of values and morality, the power discourse and the power mindset is limited. The value system that prioritizes individual rights is probably the source of many of the problems we have today.

4: 义务先于权利: 西方近现代价值观非常强调个人权利的优先性，而中华价值观特别是儒家价值观更强调义务的优先性。在现代社会，个人生存发展权利为宪法和法律所确认，当然也为社会价值观念所承认。但这并不意味着个人权利是最重要的价值，或社会价值观仅仅为个人权利提供支持。在价值和伦理问题上，权利话语和权利思维是有局限性的，以个人权利为中心的价值观甚至是当今众多问题产生的根源之一。

5: Community before the individual: After the Renaissance, the West advocates the people-oriented value. However, in Contemporary Western society they highlight more on Humanism. Chinese culture and Chinese value system don’t advocate the individual-oriented principle. They highlight on the community. They make it clear that the community’s value is higher than personal values. From the perspective of Chinese culture and Chinese value system, individuals can’t live alone, and they must live within a community. Their moral cultivation should also improve from living within a community. Chinese culture and Chinese values particularly cherish the value of the family. Family is the primary social organization where individuals develop towards society. Chinese culture and Chinese value system stress that individual’s values can’t be higher than the community’s value. They highlight the integration of individual and the community and individual’s duty towards the community. They highlight the importance of the whole community’s values.

5: 群体高于个人: 西方在文艺复兴之后也倡导以人为本，但西方近代的人本主义更多强调以个人为本;中华文化和中华价值观不主张以个人为本，而是强调以群体为本，强调群体在价值上高于个人。在中华文化和中华价值观看来，个体不能离群索居，一定要在群体之中生存生活，其道德修为也要在社群生活中增进。中华文化和中华价值观特别重视家庭价值，而家庭是个体向社会发展的第一个社群层级。中华文化和中华价值观强调个人价值不能高于社群价值，强调个人与群体的交融、个人对群体的义务，强调社群整体利益的重要性。

6, The core moral principle of contemporary Western liberalism is the priority of individual rights. They advocate that everyone has their right to engage in activities based on their own personal values. They believe that it is against individual’s freedom to require for the goodness of a community. However, Chinese culture and Chinese value system highlight the goodness of a community, social responsibility and morality that’s good for the community. The community and individual, responsibility and rights are different moral concepts. They reflect different moral stances and are suitable in different value systems. In contemporary society, we should stick with the stance that prioritizes the community and responsibility, which is an important part of Chinese culture and Chinese value system. While we praise freedom and human rights, we should seriously denounce the stance that prioritizes the individual.

6, 现代西方自由主义道德的中心原则是个人权利优先，主张人人有权根据自己的价值观从事活动，认为以一种共同的善的观念要求所有公民是违背基本个人自由的。而中华文化和中华价值观强调社会共同的善、社会责任、有助于公益的美德。社群与个人、责任与权利是不同的伦理学概念，反映不同的伦理学立场，适用于不同的价值领域。在当代社会，我们应坚持中华文化和中华价值观以社群和责任为中心的立场，在赞同自由、人权的同时，毫不含糊地申明不赞成个人优先的立场。

7, Harmony higher than conflicts: The notion of the unity between nature and human does not advocate conquering nature or changing nature. It does not advocate the opposition between people and nature. Rather it advocates the harmony between people and nature. Based on this thought principle, people can’t act against nature, but rather submit to the rules of nature and adapt their behavior based on nature…… The principle of the harmony between individual and nature is very instrumental on correcting the concept that people could limitlessly conquer nature and ignore environmental or ecological equilibrium. It would be instrumental to promote overall social and economical sustainable development…. In Western culture and Western value system there is the idea of conflicts. They are always self-centered and always want to use their power to get rid of others, manipulate others and take advantage of others.

7, 和谐高于冲突: 天人合一思想不强调征服自然、改造自然，不主张天、人对立，而主张天、人协调。根据这种思想，人不能违背自然，而应顺从自然规律，使自己的行为与自然相协调....这种追求人与自然和谐的思想, 对纠正无限制地征服自然、不顾及环境与生态平衡的观念，促进经济社会全面协调可持续发展，具有重要现实意义...在西方文化和西方价值观中有一种冲突意识，总想用自己的力量，以自我为中心，克服非我、宰制他者、占有别人。

From the Visible Wall to the Invisible Wall

Writer: Mo Tian (could be a pseudonym, didn’t find the real name quickly)

1, Through this wall (the Great Wall) we could see that the nation seems to be always on guard, or it seems it is always ready to be bullied and waiting for the attack and invasion from the outside. Just like what it says in the national anthem, “we are proceeding toward enemies’ artillery fire”. It seems moving and tragic and even sacrificial. But after some pondering you will ask: why do we have to proceed towards enemies’ artillery fire? It is as if it is not interesting without enemies’ artillery fire.

1,通过这座墙，可以看出这个民族始终都摆出一副守势，或者说摆好挨打的姿势，等着外界的进攻，等着外界的入侵。就像歌里唱的“冒着敌人的炮火前进”一样，看上去很悲壮，很有牺牲精神。但是细想就发现了问题;为什么要冒着敌人的炮火才能前进?好像没有敌人的炮火就特别不够意思。

2, A nation that fantasizes that they could guard foreign invasion with a wall, or a nation that hopes to proceed only when enemies’ artillery fire strikes, isn’t she a bit retarded?

2, 幻想修一座墙就可以阻挡外来入侵的民族，盼望敌人的炮火打来再冒着炮火前进的民族，是不是弱智呢?

3, The advancement of the era means that there are also invisible walls. Though it is not seen through eyes but it does exist. It is also tall and formidable. There are also grids that could kill people. This is the firewall.

3, 时代的进步在于，现在还有看不见的墙，虽然看不见，可是这座墙确实存在，而且高大坚固，也有电网，可以置人于死地，这就是网络上的墙。

4, The wall on the Internet could also be jumped over and this is why VPN was invented. “Using the VPN has become a special way to surf online. Is it a progress of mankind, or a tragedy of mankind?”

4, 网络上的墙也可以翻越，翻墙软件就这样应运而生。“翻墙”成为一种特殊的上网方式，这是人类的进步呢，还是人类的悲哀?

5, I think in due time the wall on the Internet will be torn (like the German Wall). It is just a matter of time.

5, 我想，早晚有一天，网络上的墙也会被推翻，这只是迟早的事情.

News and Commentaries, 15-03-05

What Is Education For? Interview with two professors

Deng Xiaomang, Professor of Philosophy at Huazhong University of Science and Technology and Xiang Xianming, Professor at Renmin University’s School of Education

1, Deng Xiaoming: Besides learning the knowledge from textbooks, I think there are mainly two points that children learn from their education. The first is submission, which means they unconditionally obey those whose positions and power are higher than them, even just a team leader in a class. In their first grade children select their team leader and everyone needs to obey them. Therefore they have power. Children grow up in this kind of education will think the official rank oriented standard is normal. They would only want to become bigger officials. Another is the unspoken rules. Children are taught to learn the unspoken rules as they grow up. Of course there are some clear rules like no spitting, abide by the students codes, etc. However, through education you will learn that some clear rules could be broken. The goal of education is to tell you where are these clear rules are. You could acknowledge them but don’t need to take them seriously since they could be broken. Unspoken rules can’t be broken. It means you need to hear beyond what’s said and learn to understand the connotation beyond clear rules. Clear rules are dignified in form but insincere in substance. However, if you don’t understand the unspoken rule you can’t get used to society. This is a kind of training. From primary school to university, our children have always been receiving this kind of training. They observe it, savour it and gradually they would understand that this is basic social knowledge and life experience. If they don’t understand it they can’t survive in a society.  

1, 邓晓芒: 孩子从小受到的教育，除了书本知识之外，我估摸起来主要是两点：第一点就是服从，也就是无条件服从地位比自己高、权力比自己大的人，哪怕是一个小小的班长组长。在小学一年级就把组长选出来了，大家都要服从他，他就有了权力。受过这种教育的孩子就会认为官本位理所当然、天经地义，一心想自己将来成为更大的官。服从是两方面的，一方面是教育孩子服从有权的人，另一方面是教育孩子要成为有权的人。另外一点就是潜规则，从小就培养孩子要懂得潜规则。当然也教一些明规则，不要随地吐痰，遵守学生守则等，这些都是明规则。但真正通过教育你会发现，明规则是可以违反的。他教育的目的是告诉你明规则在那里，可以把它当幌子，可以说假话空话大话，可以做缺德的事情。潜规则却是不可违的，就是听话听音，要善于体会明规则底下的言外之意。明规则规定的是冠冕堂皇的，但不懂得底下的潜规则你是不能适应这个社会的。这是一种训练，从小学到大学，我们的青少年一直在接受这样的训练，孩子们看在眼里，悟在心里，他渐渐明白，这是起码的社会知识、人生经验，不懂这个就别想到社会上混。

2, Deng Xiaomang: What we need to reflect on is not any particular policy, but the whole political ruling attitude. There is no other country in the world where the government could demand universities to expand right away; there is also no other country in the world where a leader could order all universities to stop operating overnight. No matter it is the Cultural Revolution in 1958 when universities completely stopped, or during the cultural Great Leap Forward in the 1990s when universities started to expand; or any kind of leap guided by political principles, they have a similar characteristic, which is they treat the country as someone’s personal toy. No one under this person could voice any objection. Therefore countless opportunists follow up and wish to climb up the social stratus. We have learned it from several decades of experiences that officials could never understand modern education. Therefore whenever officials want to demand the educational system to do something, it will be the disaster for education.

2,邓晓芒：要反思的不是一项什么政策，而是整个执政心态。世界上没有哪个国家的大学可以由政府下令扩招就扩招的，这就像没有哪个国家的大学可以由某个领袖下令一夜之间全部停办的一样。不管是58年的大跃进，文革的大学停办，还是90年代的大学招生的大跃进，甚至历次政治运动按指标或者超指标整人的大跃进，都是一个性质，就是把整个国家当成某个人自己的任意支配的玩物，而底下则不允许有任何人唱反调，反而有无数的投机者推波助澜，想趁此机会往上爬。几十年的经验告诉我们，官僚永远不可能懂现代教育，所以每当长官意志要在教育领域做点什么事情的时候，就是教育的灾难。

3, Xiang Xianming: The main elements that constrains the development of vocational education in China is social classification. In a more general term, it means those who chose to go to vocational school eventually end up being in the lowest class in society. If this problem is not solved, no matter how much the country invest, including the intention to build the bridge between general education and vocational education, or setting up Masters Degree programs in vocational education, it won’t solve the real problem. It will just give people in vocational education a couple of more chances to develop away from vocational education. If we have proper legislation and adjust interests of social status and make students who graduate from vocational schools gain better income and position, as well as gain recognition and respect from society, then the problem will be solved. There will be hope for a speedy development of vocational education.

3, 项贤明：制约我国职业教育发展的主要因素是社会分层，通俗地讲，就是进入职业教育轨道的青年人后来都进入了社会底层。这个问题不解决，国家再加大投入，包括搞什么普通教育和职业教育的立交桥，设立职业教育研究生学位等，除了给进入职业教育学校的青年人多一两次逃离职业教育的机会外，都不可能真正解决问题。如果我们通过立法，调整社会阶层利益，让职业教育学校毕业的学生在社会上能够获得很好的收入和很好的地位，得到社会的认可和尊重，那么，根本问题就得到了解决，职业教育的快速发展也就有了希望。

4, Xiang Xianming: Comparatively, university students in China read much less than their Western peers. Some of them don’t read books at all besides those mandatory textbooks for exams. We manage university students like we manage children. We don’t give them the much needed room for independence. Therefore we deprive the opportunity from them to be self-responsible. Once there is some problem they blame the university.

4, 项贤明：相比之下，我国的高校学生在学习过程中阅读量比西方大学的学生要少很多，有些学生甚至除了考试所依据的教材外，几乎不读什么书。我们把已经成人的大学生当作未成年人管理，不给他们应有的独立性，同时也就剥夺了他们对自己负责的机会。一旦学习上出了问题，最后还是把责任推到学校身上。

The vermiform appendix of a society with struggles

By Zhang Ming, professor at Renmin University’s School of International Studies

1, If a country is to develop market economy, of course there will be different classes. There are those who invest in a factory, and those who contribute their labor. If they continue to advocate social class struggle, it will be difficult to develop economy. It is not a problem to have class. In any developed countries in the world there is the poor and the rich. In some countries their wealth gap is not necessarily bigger than those in China. As long as there is no class struggle, but instead have class cooperation, cooperation between labor and investment, and use social welfare to fund the most underprivileged, there will not be resentment among different classes. Objectively speaking, the rich want turbulence least. They won’t want to overthrow the government with aggression. Those who always worry about the rich mingling with exterior forces to overthrow their governance only belong to one category. They are those who hold on to old traditions and are haunted by class struggle theory.

1, 一个国家，要发展市场经济，当然会产生阶级。有投资办厂的，就有打工的。如果再宣扬阶级斗争，经济就没法搞了。有阶级不是问题，世界发达国家都有穷人富人，有的国家，贫富的差距也不比中国大。只要不搞阶级斗争，搞阶级合作，劳资合作，用社会福利救济最弱势的阶层，国家就不会阶级之间的敌视。客观地说，富有的阶级(或者叫阶层也可以)，最不希望动荡，最不希望以暴力推翻政府。老是担心资产阶级和境外反动势力勾结，推翻自己的统治者，只有一种，那就是老是抱着旧观念，阶级论阴魂不散的人。

2, Our world today is a world relies on co-existence. Be it struggle or war, it is a long past reality. In this world, everyone could survive. It is not that you have to die so I survive, or you live and I have to die. The class with resources to invest in factories will not deplete the working class. Otherwise, who is going to buy things they will produce? With the same principle, rather than colonizing a country, it is better to keep that country independent and just do business with them. After two World Wars and countless conflicts, struggles and wars, we have learned it for modern society. All the mainstream societies in the world understand this logic.

2, 当今的世界，是一个所有人都只能共处的世界，斗争也好，战争也好，都已经成为过时的做法。这个世界，只能大家都活，不会你死我活，或者我活你死。投资办厂的有产阶级，不会让打工的人一贫如洗，否则，他工厂生产出来的东西谁买呢?同样，殖民一个国家，远不如保持那个国家的独立，跟它做生意更好。现代社会，经过两次世界大战，无数的摩擦，争斗，战争悟出的道理，这个世界的主流社会都明白。