by Ta Kung Pao
(This article was brought up by Boxun yesterday, but it was actually published last year around the Spring Festival. Still very relevant.)
1, After three decades of experience, the Spring Festival Celebration Show has become a national ceremony showcasing the “high, grand and noble”. In this ceremony, all kinds of political elements come to stage to exhibit directly or indirectly, and to shock or comfort audiences at the site and in front of the TV. These elements in the Spring Festival Celebration Show play the roles on constructing mainstream national ideology.
1,经过三十多年的磨砺，春晚已经变成一场“高大上”的国家级仪式。在这场仪式中，各种政治元素轮番登台，或直观表达或侧面暗喻，或冲击着或安抚着现场和电视机前的大众。这些元素共同承担了春晚作为构建国家主流意识的功能。
2, Spring Festival Celebration Show has ceased to become an entertainment for everyone, but it is rather a political tool. It has started to follow the mainstream and sing purple proses, and perform more political functions.
2, 这个时期的春晚，不再是娱乐性的全民狂欢，而是成为一项政治工具，开始主动追求主旋律和宏大故事，承载更多的政治功能。
Talk of the publishing of the book Rereading Hu Shi, with Ren Jiantao, Xu Zhangrun and Gao Quanxi
Ren Jiantao 任剑涛 is a professor of Political Studies at Renmin University
He has a blog on Aisixiang.
1, Especially for us three who went to university in the end of the 1970s and experienced the whole history of the reform and open up, the cultural gene in our blood strictly speaking is very much influenced by the Cultural Revolution. Different from the extreme leftists of today, all the three of us are scholars who fight hard with our cultural gene of Cultural Revolution. Why do we exaggerate by using the word “fight”? It is because what is in our blood is from the Cultural Revolution. If we don’t fight with it, it is very easy for us to slip into the mud of extreme leftism and it would be difficult to get out. We grew up in the era of “singing the red and combating the black”.
1,尤其是我们在座的三位，在1970年代末进入大学，亲历了整个改革过程。但是我们骨子里流动的文化基因，严格说来是文革的东西。不同于现今的极左派，我们三位都是在与自己文革文化基因战斗的学者。为什么有些夸张地使用“战斗”一词呢?原因在于，我们骨子里流动着的，实际都是文革的血。我们不与之战斗，就会轻而易举地陷进极左的泥淖而难以自拔。我们成长在一个唱红打黑的时代。
2, People probably know that academic thinkers and leaders who are active nowadays were born mostly in the 50s. They have a clear vision, which is to provide answers about anything for everyone. They tend to say: “We are pursuing for the truth”. People in our generation tend to highlight that we are just clearing up our thoughts and mindsets. These are very different approaches. We don’t plan to provide any kind of easy answer. We just would like to clear up our thoughts from relevant “reflections”.
2, 大家大概都知道，今天在学术舞台上活跃的50后学术思想领袖，基本上都有一个明确的愿望，就是要提供给大家一个关乎所有问题的现成答案，他们动辄的说辞是“我在追求真理”。我们这一批人，强调自己仅仅是在清理学理。这是不一样的取向。我们并不准备提供什么现成的答案，仅仅想“重思”相应主题来清理我们自己的想法.
3, For today’s China, we are right at the crossroad of the rise of a huge country. It is very rare to find scholars like Mr. Hu Shi, who internally advocated that “tolerance is more important than freedom”, and externally examined China’s modern development with international perspective, beyond nationalism. It is also rare to find scholars like him who could investigate China from the layers of an individual country and the whole world, with an humanitarian perspective.
3,对今天中国来讲，正着紧处在一个大国崛起的十字路口，像胡适先生那样，能够对内提倡“容忍比自由更重要”，对外以世界主义的眼光超越民族国家，有一种稀缺的人类眼光，在国家与世界这样两个层面上，理性审视中国现代发展的学者，真是极其稀少。
4, Hu Shi is a flag. This flag on one hand refuses radicalism; on the other hand refuses rigid political conservativism and cultural conservatism. This is a flag that is enough to encourage people to look at history and reality reasonably. What it reflects outward is that it demonstrates how to hold a more needed and rationale perspective to look at China. Especially how to have the basic ability to hold on rationalism but still manage to maintain our cultural traditions and still play a decisive role on the healthy development of China. This is the most proximate reason for us to show such deep respect of Mr. Hu Shi.
胡适是一面旗帜。这面旗帜，一方面拒绝了激进主义，另一方面拒绝了拘守现实的政治保守主义和文化保守主义。这是一面足以激发人们合理的看待历史与现实的旗帜。它表现在如何对现代中国持有一个真正符合国家需要的、理性主义的眼光，尤其有一种坚守理性主义的基本能力，而又能保守我们的文化传统，对中国的健全发展具有决定性作用上。而这正是我们对胡适表示敬意的、最切近的理由。
Xu Zhangrun 许章润 is a professor at Tsinghua University’s School of Law
(On why it is important to reread Hu Shi)
1, First, Like Mr. Liang Shuming, what Mr. Hu Shi concerned of in his whole life was the issue of cultural transformation. But deep down it was actually a “problem of China” that has been troubling Chinese for generations. In another word, for such a big and old country like China, it was weak and poor. It faced modern civilization initiated by aggressive Western countries. How to realize its cultural transformation and make itself strong again? During this process, particularly to fulfill the mission of the so-called “saving the country” and “building the country”, it has something to do with the “China-West conflict” and the contrast between the old and current.
1, 第一，如同梁漱溟先生，适之先生终身思考的一大问题固可归结为文化转轨，但其实质是一个萦绕几代中国人的所谓“中国问题”。换言之，老大中国，积弱积贫，面对西洋强势所代表的现代文明，如何实现文化转型以图强自新。其间，特别是要完成所谓的“救国”“建国”任务，既涉中西冲突，复关古今之争，而恰为一个“古今中西”之复合意象。
2, Second, Mr. Hu Shi embodied intellectuals’ dignified beauty.
2, 第二, 胡适身上洋溢着知识分子的尊严美
3, Third, Mr. Hu Shi’s thinking during his whole life showcased a worldly attitude that was conscientious, middle-way, mild, rational, transparent and accessible.
3, 第三, 那就是适之先生的思考，终其一生，展现了一种审慎、中道、平和、理性的经世态度,通透，通达。
4, Fourth, Mr. Hu Shi had a good personality. He was kind, humble, genuine. He was good-mannered and respectable throughout his whole life. He never used obscene words, and didn’t have any bad habits. It sounds like bottom requirements, but it is actually a high achievement of character cultivation. In other words, we could say that good morality is often reflected as exterior elegance.
4, 第四，适之先生人品好，谦和，恳切，终其一生，彬彬有礼，尊重人，不讲粗话野话，没有不良嗜好。听起来是像是底线伦理，其实是人格修炼的高超境界。反过来不妨说，道德的善常常体现为外在的优美。
5, Five: Hu Shi and Jiang Jieshi - the relationship between intellectuals and power. Nowadays in China, liberalist intellectual groups actually maintain a relatively independent attitude from political power. They do not lack critical stance and embody the integrity of traditional academics. To the contrary, some leading Neo-Confucians start to show the trend of kowtowing to politics. In terms of the new-leftists, especially the leftist theorists, they always seem to be in the “conservative league”. I think they really need to learn from Mr. Hu Shi and try to absorb some resources from his legacy!
5, 五：胡适和蒋介石——知识分子与权力的关系
当今中国，自由主义知识分子群体基本上在政治势力面前保持了相对独立的姿态，不失批判立场，恰恰洋溢着传统读书人的气节。与此相反，新儒家群体中的一些头面人物，开始出现讨好现实政治的趋势。至于新左派，特别是理论左派，仿佛从来都是“别动队”。我想，他们要好好向适之先生学习，好好在此汲取精神养料才是啊!
6, Six, intellectuals’ integrity and control in this big era. In a turbulent time that Mr. Hu Shi lived in, he pursued both politics and academia with humble and studious attitude. He had power but never abused it. He seeked his path but never settled on the fixed. It was a complicated process of self-control and self-cultivation. He set a model for Chinese intellectuals who pursue politics.
6, 六：大时代下的知识人操守与自持
置此大背景，适之先生以谦谦君子奔走于政治与学术，在位而不从势，问道而不恋栈，实在是一个极其复杂的自我修持的过程，是中国文人政治的典范。
7, Seventh, Hu Shi’s spiritual guidance to contemporary academics.
Few people were born and managed to survive in the year of 1962 because of the famine. Scholars of the generation of 1962 like to pride themselves as inheriting the spirit of Hu Shi, who passed away in 1962. Actually they are trying to figure out the holistic pursuits of how to live, how to pursue academia, how to build a country in the big historical juncture of “ancient, contemporary, East and West”. We try to demonstrate the multi-dimensionality of China’s academic ecology.
7, 七：胡适对当代学人的精神指引
1962年出生和存活的人很少。“62学人”既以适之先生的精神衣钵继承者自居，实际上所要追求的是整个中国“古今中西”历史背景下如何做人、如何治学、如何建国这样一种整体性追求，其所彰显的是当代中国精神生态的多元性。
在他看来，当前的中国，有四类人掌握了话语权，“第一类是退出政治舞台的行政官员。他们有一些行政经验，也有一些国外经验，但他们毕竟不是政治官员。第二类是在资本市场上，所谓的成功人士。他们读书不多，再加上利益纠葛，不能指望他们的发言客观中立独立；第三类人是通俗的大众知识分子，也不完全是公知。其缺陷在于，没有政治经验。他们推动舆论造成声势，可也容易造成民粹主义与语言暴力；第四类人即娱乐界名人，媒体有时会将他们的言论放大。”
“这四类人，作为一个多元民主社会要容忍。但要构成一个多元理性的思想生态，我觉得未来几年，他们会有所收敛。转型时代到了一个阶段，民间的焦躁与迷茫会伴随人的理性慢慢沉淀，学院派学者的声音将清晰强大起来。”
Xu Zhangrun’s Five aspirations for the New Year
This is part of the “New Year’s Aspirations” Seminar held by Unirule Institute of Economics and China-Review.com
1, First, within the Republic that is based on the Constitution and democracy, there are no enemies, just criminals who commit crimes. Therefore the country should not use the enemy mindset or fighting philosophy. They need to deal with the relations among citizen communities and criminals based on the rule of law.
1, 第一，立宪民主的共和国内部，没有敌人，只有违法犯罪者。因此，国家不是运用敌我思维和斗争哲学，而是基于法治的程序正义来调处公民共同体与违法犯罪者之间的关系。
2, Second, in the past two years, there are lots of campaigns on anti-corruption and rule of law to supervise officials to become less corrupted and more disciplined. It advocates a kind of uplifted national spirit and elegant way of life. It is positive and deserves applauses.
第二，最近两年，藉由反腐和法制，督促官员人人廉洁奉公，政教人员洁身自好，从而催育一种昂扬向上的民族精神和雅致文明的国民生活方式，应有之义，全民拍掌。
3, However, they should not forbid the “three obscenities” with public power. They should not oppress or reject people’s ordinary lives of market consumption based on life needs. They need to tolerate ordinary people’s taste and nurture and advocate high culture. The ordinary and the “obscene” needs to be be given back to ordinary people; the elegant and noble needs to be maintained in temples.
3, 在此，不是藉由公共权力严禁“三俗”，压制或者取消国民的市民生活和基于市民生活的市场消费，毋宁，容忍一般市民趣味，却培育和弘扬高雅文化，形成分际，将三俗归还给市民，让高雅收拢于庙堂.
4, Speaking of happiness, it is people’s nature to pursue happiness. “A life of happiness” is a beautiful concept. However, the so-called “people’s happiness” is more of a general, overall vision. It is particularly a propaganda term.
4, 说到幸福，则追求幸福是人的天性，“幸福生活”是一个美好的概念。但是，所谓“人民的幸福”这样的修辞，所表征的多为整体愿景，更多的是一种文宣修辞。
5, Deep down, happiness is a private concept. It means in an equal social and political condition with rule of law, individuals have the freedom of pursuing a happy life. It has something to do with personal values and concepts. It is impossible to be provided by public power, let alone be categorized with a model provided by the government.
5, 到底，幸福是一个私性概念，意味着在平等和法治的社会政治条件下，个体追求惬意生活的自由，关涉个人的生活理念和生命价值，没法用公权力来提供的，更非政府用一个模子所能拢括的。
6, It is impossible for public power to determine what is happiness -- you must be happy or how to be happy. Civilians and citizens should not ask the government to provide happiness, etc.
6, 公权力不可能规定什么是幸福、你必须幸福、怎样才能幸福，国民和公民亦不应要求政府提供幸福，等等
7, This year is the 70th anniversary of the AntI-Fascist war. It is also the 70th anniversary of the anti-Japanese war. There will definitely be large-scale commemorative events. These events will be good opportunities for China to showcase its intentions to realize its friendly political resolutions and demonstrate a “modern China”. It is better to co-operate with others than flexing its individual muscles.
7, 第三，今年是世界反法西斯战争胜利70周年，也是中国抗日战争胜利70周年，肯定要有大型纪念活动。今年的纪念活动理应成为实现政治和解、彰显“现代中国”的普世意义的一大契机。届时，与其一家独唱，不若搭台共鸣。
8, Fourth, I hope CCTV could set up a “Channel for the People’s Congress”, where they could broadcast their meetings live all the time, with their discussions, inquiries and debates.
8, 第四，希望中央电视台开设一个“人大频道”，专门整天现场直播人大会议，各种人大会议的讨论、质询和论辩活动。
9, Fifth, I have another hope, about China’s university education… I hope it would follow the modern university management path to gradually slim down Party organizations and personnel in universities, and eventually get rid of systemized Party organizations in universities.
9, 第五，我还有一个期许，关乎当下中国的高等教育。... 在此，希望循沿现代大学制度思路，逐步精简高校党团体系及其就业人员，最终取消建制化的党团体系。
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