Those who only respond to the voice of power 只听得懂权利的声音的人
By Zhang Ming, professor at Renmin Daxing's Department of Politics Studies
1,
(Summary) A serious pollution problem in Inner Mongolia was exposed
last September but the local government kept denying it. The director
of the Environment Bureau even said that he would promise with his
personal integrity that there was no pollution. A month after the highest leader from the country commanded an order and changed the
situation.
1,
内蒙阿拉善盟工业园区化工企业向腾格里沙漠排污的事件，早在9月初，就经媒体曝光。尽管明晃晃的排污大坑摆在哪儿，刺鼻的气味隔多远就能闻见。但是当地的地方官就是百般抵赖，环保局长还宣称，用人格担保，绝无此事。但是，一个月后，国家最高领导批示了，局面为之骤变，遮掩抵赖不见了，内蒙当局，马上开会布置整改，行动之迅捷，令人咋舌。媒体报道，说其实早在四年前，媒体就报道过这个工业园区的企业向沙漠排污的现象，但是，事情居然被压下了。
2,
There are many environmental diasters, mass events and forced
demolition problems in China, but all of the problems will only attract
attention when the big leader starts to care. Some people in China
only respond to the voice of power. In terms of media's exposure,
their only concern is that their leaders will learn from media's report,
therefore they would pay to resolve the public relation crisis.
2,
中国的污染问题严重，群体性事件繁多，强拆事件屡禁不止，司法不公屡见。但是，所有的问题，都得大领导出面才能得到地方的重视。中国有那么一些人，只听得懂权力的声音。对于媒体曝光，他们的担心，也只是这个曝光被领导知道，所以才费心危机公关一下，花钱买个太平。
3,
Since the ancient times, in Chinese politics, people have always only
responded to the voice of power. It is because that only the voice of
power could make officials rich or get them promoted, and make some
go downhill. This voice of power only has one source, which is the emperor. Except this, what law, what public opinion, what moral
discipline, they are all bullshit.
3,
自古以来，中国的官场中人，从来只听得懂权力的声音。因为只有权力的声音，才能福官祸官，让官员飞黄腾达，也让官员阶下为囚。这个权力的声音，只有一个源头，那就是皇帝。除此而外，什么法律，什么舆论，什么道德自律，都是扯淡。
4,
No matter in what era, any kind of political sphere that does not
allow the rule of law and regulations will be a disaster for the
emperor.
4,
无论什么时代，一个不能依照制度规则和法律来行事的官场，对于皇帝都是一种灾难。
5,
In the ancient time, emperors with a bit of intelligence would know
that the society belongs to everyone. Therefore, one person can not
be in charge of the whole society. If there are media and ordinary
people who want to be in charge but got ignored in the best scenario,
but got oppressed in the worse scenario, then the society will
definitely be chaotic. The success and death of a society depends on
the responsibility of each person. We have cried this sentence for
hundreds of years. But if ordinary people could have responsibility,
they need to have power. If they don't even have the power to ask for
responsibility, the society has no choice but to die.
5,
古代稍微明智点的皇帝都知道，天下是天下人的天下，既然如此，就不能只有一个人为这个天下负责。如果有媒体，有民众想要为天下负责，轻则遭遇无视，重则遭到打击，那么，天下就非乱不可。天下兴亡，匹夫有责。这句话喊了几百年了，但匹夫若要有责，非有权不可。如果连问责的权力都没有，天下也就只能亡了。
宋少鹏：性的政治经济学与资本主义的性别奥秘
By
Song Shaopeng, lecturer at Renmin University's China School of Marxism
Studies
(I
think this is a great article, very readable, logical and convincing.
Here are some quotations)
This
artcile war innitially published in a magainzed called Open Times
(开放时代）
Under
the management of Guangzhou Social Science Institute. Open Times was set up
in 1982, named Guangzhou Studies; in 1989 it changed to its current
name Open Times. It is a monthly magazine that "cares the society with academic power （以学术关怀社会）" .
1,
The intention of “Sex Cleansing in Dongguan was not to restore
Chinese people's sexual morality, but rather a reform within its own
ruling system with other intentions. There might even be efforts to
interpret the healthy development of market economy; to understand
the politcal and economic alliance in China's political ecology; and
to resotre a healthier relationship between politics and economics.
Both official media and the government highlight on combating the
political and economic alliance (the protective umbrella) behind the
sex industry.
1,
“东莞扫黄”醉翁之意似乎不在重建中国人的性道德，而是有着多重意图的对自身统治体系的改革，甚至可能还包含着破解影响市场经济健康发展和中国政治生态的政经联盟、重建健康的政经关系的努力，因为官媒和官方都刻意强调打击性行业背后的政经联盟(保护伞)。
2,
CCTV is a symbole of politcal system. “Lost women” is a symbol of
the oppressed and the victimized. Therefore, in the binary
relationship between the cleansing and the cleansed, the action of
“sex cleansing” also signifies political oppression. Those who
support Dongguan and cry for “Stay there Dongguan” show their political and moral integrity towards the oppressing power and stand up for the underprivileged. In the two ends of this discourse, if the government
is promoting its political reform on the terms of “sex cleansing”, then the liberalists are also voicing for the underprivileged sex workers
on the name of “sex”, on the platform of Weibo. Liberalists fought back on the oppression on big Vs (Weibo celebrities). Meanwhile, they stand up for their liberalist view and fight for the boundaries
between the public and the private, on this occasion of “sex cleansing”.
2,央视是体制的象征，“失足少女”是被压迫被欺凌的底层的象征，那么，在“扫”与“被扫”的主客关系中，“扫黄”这一行动就具有了政治压迫的意涵。于是，喊出“东莞挺住”的挺莞派就具有了反抗强权和替弱势群体仗义执言的政治正义和道德正义。在话语场的两极中，如果说官方只是借“扫黄”来推进其政治改革，那么，自由派人士也不过是借“性”言政，以微博为载体为处于弱势地位的性从业者代言，自由派人士反击了前一段时间政府对于微博大V的打压，同时也借“扫黄”来表明坚守公私领域界线的自由主义立场。
3,
If we say that the government and liberalists performed a
political debate on sex; and they both care about political reform –
no matter the government-promoted self-reform within the system; or
the liberalist-promoted reconstruction of the relationship between
the State and society. However, we could say that neither of them put
the point of focus on the system of the market. In another word, in
this debate, liberalists asked an extremely important question for
Chinese society: What should the government do? Where is the boundary
for the government? But the liberalists actually avoided another
equally important and pressing question for Chinese society: What
could the market do? Where is the boundary for the market?
3,
如果说，官方与自由派人士上演了一场性的政治学，关注的重心实则都是政治改革——不管是官方推行的体制内的自我改革，还是自由派人士努力推动的国家与社会关系的重构——然而，两者都没有把论争的焦点移向市场体制。换言之，在这场论争中，自由派人士提出了一个对于中国社会极为重要的问题：政府该做什么?政府的边界在哪里?但是，自由派人士却回避了另一个对于中国社会同样重要和迫切的问题：市场能做什么?市场的边界在哪里?
4,
The market economy is a kind of Capitalist economy which worships the
market more. It allows the market to fully permeate into social
life. It makes the market principal control all kinds of human
relations, including sexual relations. While in an ordinary
Capitalist society, the legality of sexual trade still deserves
discussion.
4,
市场社会是一种资本主义社会，但更信奉市场，允许市场全面侵入社会生活，让市场原则支配一切人类关系，包括性关系。而在一般的资本主义社会，性交易是否正当还是需要讨论的.
5,
The discussion for the next step has descended to what kind of social conditions could foster the realization of equal loving and sexual
relationships based on free will? In a Capitalist society with
integrity and principals, rather than a market society, can we ensure
the existence of a real and equal loving & sexual relationship?
5,
进一步讨论的问题就下降到什么样的社会条件才能保障真正基于自由意志的平等的性爱关系的实现?在符合正义规范的资本主义社会，而非市场社会里，能否保证真正平等的性爱关系存在?
6,
During the “Sex cleansing” campaign in Dongguan, the editorial on
People's Daily indirectly admitted that “selling obscenity” (卖淫) is a
product of men's sexual desire. But the editorial did not criticize
masculine power. Rather, they attributed the reason of the existence
of sex service in China as the mode of China's economic development,
and lack of sex partners for men. Attributing the reason to the lack of
sexual partners, meaning attributing sexual desire as natural, which actually hugely reduces men's moral pressure when they consume sex service. What is
unfornuate is that these two reasons actually defend for rape and
forced/abducted marriage. Meanwhile the concern for the lack of sex
partners for men actually have transformed to a national scale of
forced marriage with Chinese characteristics – the heated debate on
“leftover women”.
6,
在东莞扫黄时，《人民日报》的时评隐晦地承认卖淫是男性性欲望的产物，但时评没有批评男权，而同情地把性服务业在当下中国的存在归因于中国的经济发展模式这一客观环境造成了男性的性匮乏。归因性匮乏，同时把性欲自然化，大大减轻了男性进行性消费的道德压力。不幸的是，这两个原因也在为强奸和拐卖式强迫婚姻辩护，同时对男性性匮乏的担忧在当下中国已然演化成了全社会的中国式逼婚——热议“剩女”话题.
7,
The studies conducted by two scholars Pan Suiming and Zheng Tiantian
reminded us that sex: the sex men conduct on women, is an important
place for men to construct their masculinity. The sex on women not
only is a place for men to claim their power on women; but also a
battlefield where men compete and bond. In the metaphor of the sex
politics in Chinese society, the ones with power are those who
unfairly take control of (sex) resources, and therefore squeeze
ordinary (male) persons' (sex) resources... This actually reflects
the social reality that men construct their internal hierarchy from the ownership of sexual resources.
7,
潘绥铭和郑田田两位学者的研究提示我们：性——男性对女性的性——是男性建构男性气概的重要场所。女人的性，不仅是男人宣示对女人权力的场所，也是男人间竞争的战场和兄弟情谊联结之地。在中国社会性政治的隐喻中，权势者往往是不公平地多占(性)资源，从而挤压普通(男)人的(性)资源。...
这也折射出通过对性资源的占有建构了男性内部等级的社会现实。
8,
Pan Suiming talked about the reason for the decreasing number of
forced sexual service and humorly said it is because “the bosses
are good at doing the thinking work”. The bosses' thinking work
includes two parts: one is to demystify young women's illusion on
family and love: “those you are going to marry in the future will
end up coming here anyway”. Another is the rationale of the gap of
salaires – the gap between experiential service and other kind of
physical labor. The bosses are good at “doing the thinking work” because they are very clear of the two kinds of orders in our
society right now. One is the sexual order needed in family; another
is the sexual order needed in society. In Capitalist society, the
abstract principle of equality reflected in the family sphere
requires the foundation of equality in sexual relations. However, in
real life, the macho system in the family requires women's sex as
men's private property and requires women to stay faithful, while men
enjoy huge sexual freedom. This will hugely defeat many love dreams held by young women with the illusion of sexual equality. When the
bosses have bluntly pointed it out, the sex trade in the market has
actually become an effective mode for women to control their own
sexuality. In Zheng Tiantian's studies, some sex workers despise
notion of true love and chastity advertised by the mass media, because
they think that's just another clumsy disguise of man's exploitation of women. To them, sex exploitation means men could freely use
women's sexuality; but during the trade in the market, men have to
pay for women's sexuality.
8,
潘绥铭谈到性服务业的拐卖强迫越来越少的原因，风趣地称“老板的思想工作做得特别到位”。老板的思想工作包括两部分，一个就是打垮年轻姑娘们对家庭和爱情的迷信：“你将来嫁的人无非也是要来这里的”。另一个就是询唤工资差距下的选择理性，体验性服务与其他体力劳动之间的收入差距。老板思想工作的有效性在于他非常清楚当今社会中存在的两种性秩序，一种是家庭所需的性秩序，一种是市场所需的性秩序。在资本主义社会里，抽象的平等原则反映在家庭领域也要求两性关系建立在平等的基础上,
但在现实生活中，家庭里的男权制把女人的性看成是男人的私有财产要求女性伴侣守贞，同时男性拥有广泛的性自由，很大程度上会打击对性别平等抱有幻想的年轻女性的爱情梦。当老板把家庭里的性别平等戳破时，市场中的性交易反而成了女性控制自己性的有利方式。郑田田的研究中称一些性从业者对大众媒体宣传的真爱和贞洁嗤之以鼻，因为在她们看来那不过是男人对女人性剥削的一个拙劣掩饰。对她们来说，性剥削意味着男人可以自由使用女人的性，而在市场交易中，男人必须掏钱使用女人的性。
9,
If the public opinion blames men who abuse their sexual freedom on the
moral level, then the saying of “the kind of mistake that all men
would make” actually lessens the seriousness of men's lack of
loyalty. The responsiblity of maintaining the family order has fell
on women. Or under the backdrop of men performing their sexual
freedom, their wives have to try hard to maintain the completeness of
a family. Wives' tolerance is considered their wisdom and high morality.
Not only will they have to restrain their intervention on men's
sexual freedom, but they have to maintain their family order. Therefore, the moral gaps between two kinds of sexual contracts, and two
kinds of sexual orders create conflicts among women – among the
wife, the mistress and sex workers, etc.
9,
即使主流舆论对于家庭秩序内的“文章们”的性自由存在道义指责，一句“所有男人都会犯的错误”(成龙语)化解了男人出轨的道德严重性。维护家庭秩序成为妻子的责任，或者说，丈夫在实践性自由的背景下妻子必须努力维护一个家庭的完整，“且行且珍惜”(文章妻子马伊琍语)式的宽容是为妻的智慧和美德。既不能过分干预男人的性自由又要维护家庭的秩序，于是，两种性契约两种性秩序之间的道德裂缝就转化成日常生活中女人之间的对抗.
10,
In the Capitalist society, there are two kinds of sexual orders: in the
family and in the market. There is no huge moral conflicts for men
between the market and family spheres. But women generally have to
face two kinds of pressure of sexual morality – sexual freedom (in the
market), and sexual chastity (at home).
10,
资本主义社会中，存在着家庭和市场两种性秩序。男性的性自由不会使其在市场与家庭两个领域内发生严重的道德冲突，而女性往往要面临两种性道德——(市场中的)性自由和(家庭中的)性贞操——的挤压。
No comments:
Post a Comment