李成：习近平让自己成为被广泛接受的领导人
Cheng Li is director of the John L. Thornton China Center and a senior fellow in the Foreign Policy program at Brookings. He is also a director of the National Committee on U.S.-China Relations.
1, Fairly speaking, in the recent a couple of years of President Xi’s policies, many of the things he has done are conducted under unimaginable circumstances, no matter in market reform, legal construction, anti-corruption or military reform that is currently under construction. In terms of international relations, he has also done a lot and he has never gone too far. Therefore I think, so far he has mastered the general trend pretty well. Of course, in terms of consolidating his personal power and the decision-making process some people think he he is too authoritarian - this deserves further discussion.
1,公正地来看，在习主席最近两三年的政策当中，他做的很多事情都是在别人无法想象的情况下推出来的，不论是市场化改革、法治建设、 反腐败，还是正在拟议中的对军队的改革。而在国际关系方面，他做了很多，并且没有走过头。所以我觉得，从目前来讲，大方向的把握是对的。当然，在巩固个人权力和决策的过程中，有人认为权力太集中了，这些都是值得商榷的。
2, As the supreme leader, ultimately Xi Jinping needs a more systematic way to consolidate his power and gain a renewed recognition and legitimacy. To achieve this, the key is to make a decision for China’s political system at the 19th Party’s Congress. As a powerful leader, Xi Jinping has many political resources. If he could bring China to a politically civilized country, he could leave his political legacy and be acknowledged by history. I have good hope for this.
2,作为最高领导人，习近平最终需要通过制度化的方式来巩固他的权力，从而获得新的认可、新的合理性。而要做到这一点，关键就是在十九大上要对中国政治体制的未来做出选择，习近平作为一个强有力的领导人拥有很多政治资源，如果他能够把中国带向一个政治文明的国家，就会留下自己的政治遗产，并得到历史的认可。我对此抱有良好的希望。
3, Wang Qishan is definitely a man of ideas, and meanwhile a man of action within the Party. CCP must have considered the process of systematic anti-corruption. Wang Qishan has many friends from outside of China and his earlier experiences make him well aware of international affairs. Actually, many of the descendents of this generation of leaders have received education in the West. Some of them even have worked in Western society. Therefore, based on their more solid understanding of the outside world, they could have better ideas to change China. There are many problems in the West and the biggest problem for the West is that they don’t want to learn from others. Wang Qishan is a promoter of rule of law. I personally believe in January and February 2017 there will be more major shift. For example, there will be more efforts to build the society based on rule of law.
3, 王岐山显然是一个有想法的人，同时也是党内的一个行动派，中共在反腐的制度性建设方面应该是有考虑的。王岐山有很多海外的朋友，他的早期经历使得他对国际事务比较了解。实际上，这一代中共领导人的后代很多都在西方受过教育，甚至可能在西方社会工作过，他们会在对外部世界有较多了解的基础上，想办法来更好地改变中国。西方目前出现了很多问题，西方的问题恰恰就在于不想学习别人。王岐山是依法治国的推动者。我个人觉得，到2017年的一、二月份会有更多的重心转移，例如会更加大力地搞法治建设。
6, The categorization of generations of leaders is political. The concept of “fifth generation of leaders” is largely promoted by scholars from overseas. Meanwhile, I would like to define this generation of leaders as the “generation of youth sent to the countryside”. We could see that this generation of leaders are adventurous. They are well-experienced. You can’t cheat or blackmail them. From the outside world, you can only reason and prove yourself with your true power. Only when these two conditions are met at the same time, can there be convincing results. Therefore, in the international sphere, it is futile for the West to deal with this generation of Chinese leaders with old tricks.
6, 领导人的代际划分是政治性的。“第五代领导人”这个概念的建立，海外的学者起了很大的作用。同时，我也同意把这一代定义为“知青一代”。我们可以看到，这一代人是有冒险精神的，是曾经沧海的一代，你骗不了他们、讹诈不了他们，对外界来说，你只能用很多道理，再加上自己的实力——这两方面都具备了，才能对他们有说服力。所以，在国际上，要想用以前那一套方式去和中国这一代人领导人打交道，是不灵的。
7, The generation of youth sent to the countryside embody lots of contradictions, which to certain degree could make them become a very excellent and capable generation of leaders in Chinese history. On the other hand, in terms of knowledge structure and worldview, they might also be a very twisted generation. These elements shape their very complicated characteristics.
7,知青一代本身是一个矛盾体，这种矛盾体可能让他们在一定程度上变成中国历史上非常优秀、非常有能力的一代人。而另一方面，他们在知识结构和世界观上又有可能是扭曲的一代，如此种种因素加在一起，构成他们非常复杂的特质。
8, However, as an individual, Xi Jinping is smart because he could break through the huge gap in Chinese society and make himself a widely accepted leader, which is very incredible.
8, 但习近平作为个人，他有智慧的地方就在于，能够突破中国社会的分离感，让自己成为被广泛接受的领导人，这是了不起的。
9, In a few decades, the leaders of China and US might be classmates or schoolmates - this is a very positive vision. The weakness of the future generation of Chinese leaders might be that they lack integration and understanding with the grassroot. They may construct society based on a sheltered view and wishful thinking.
9, 再过几十年，中美两国的领导人可能就是同学——这是一个乐观的愿景。未来的中国政治领袖可能具有的弱点就在于，他们可能缺乏与草根的结合与理解，就对整个社会指手画脚。
Wu Ge is a popular commentator and journalist. He has had some scandal with popular writer Liang Xiaosheng because of an article Liang wrote, which Wu claimed untruthful. Liang is a popular author who writes a lot about youth sent to the countryside. He was also mentioned by China Speaks on March 30/31, 2015.
1, Many people’s online comments about “mixing academics and politics” actually means “trade between power and academic achievement” - for example, some government officials hurry a part-time PhD to get faster promotion. Or some leaders in university disturb the normal academic ecology based on their power on academic resources and position on academic evaluation. This kind of mingling between academics and politics is definitely wrong and needs to be stopped. But what the hell does it have anything to do with academics go to politics?
1, 很多网友“学术与政治搅合在一起”的评论的真实意思应该是“权学交易”——比如，政府官员为了让自己“快快进步”而去读一个在职博士，或者是大学管理者由于掌握学术资源分配和学术评价的权力，干涉正常的学术生态。这些学术与政治“勾结”的糟粕自然是不对的，是要坚决抵制的。但是，这和学者从政有个毛关系?
2, Whether university professors, directors or secretary generals could go to politics or not has nothing to do with the depoliticalization of universities or trade between politics and academic achievement.
2,大学教授、校长、书记，这些人能不能从政，这个问题实则与大学的去行政化、与“权学交易”都没有关系。
3, Along with technological and economic development, the modern social management and state governance is much more complicated than before. In terms of providing public service and conducting public management policies, those who have always been in government management might have some shortcoming because they only pay attention to their current affairs and lack a general long-term horizon. Meanwhile they might lack cutting-edge knowledge and skill on relevant fields. It is because of this very kind of problem that those real professional experts could fill in the gap with their expertise to better manage some difficulties.
3, 随着技术和经济社会的发展，现代的国家和社会治理已经比以前复杂得多。在提供公共服务和进行公共治理方面，长期从事政府管理工作的人往往会有一些短板，那就是只专注于眼前的事务性工作，而缺乏全局性的视野，同时也对相关领域的前沿性知识和技术了解不足。而在这样的情况下，那些货真价实的专家学者则可以用专业知识弥补这一短板，更好地处理本领域的公共管理难题。
4, Besides expertise, another good point for academics to go to politics is that it contributes to the diversity of government officials. It is not to say that government job is the best, and everyone should try to nudge into the political sphere. It is rather that when there is not a diversity of personnel in a system, there will be many disadvantages and problems in this system. When a country’s governance is diversified, and the government system is open but not closed; when it embraces people from different backgrounds, in management and professional field or both, this society is a more dynamic society, it will be a well-managed society.
4, 在专业性之外，学者从政的另一个好处则在于扩大了政府官员的来源和多元性——这并不是说政府是本位，是最好去处，人人都为了去当官而挤破脑袋。而是说，当一个体制中人员的多样性无法保证的时候，这个体制就会逐渐产生出自我繁殖的种种劣性。当一个国家的社会治理是多元共治的，政府体系是开放而不封闭的，是热烈欢迎来自不同背景的、具有管理才能或专业知识或二者兼具之人才加入的，那么这个社会就会是有活力，就会是一个良好治理的社会。
Cai Xia: Professor at Party’s Construction Research Institute of CPC Party School
1, Life in the military was very “Puritan” - constraints on each level is extremely severe. We all voluntarily abided by the male and female rules. Generally no one dared to bring up the topic of relationships or marriage. For a long time we were used to that kind of atmosphere, suddenly right after you got married your expected time of pregnancy is broadcast on the public wall by the organization. It felt like I was striped naked in the public eye. That kind of strong shame and embarrassment was difficult to avoid. For a long time I lowered my head when I walked and didn’t dare to look at any one.
1, 军队生活很像“清教徒”，各方面管束极为严格，我们都自觉遵守男女大防礼数，平时谁都不好意思把感情婚姻作为话题。本来一直习惯于那样的氛围，现在刚一结婚居然就被组织把批准拟怀孕拟生育的时间都放上墙公布，当时的感觉就好像众目睽睽之下被扒光了衣服，那种强烈的羞辱感难以抹去，相当一段时间里走路低着头不敢看人。
2, In the beginning of 1980s there were over 2400 workers in my factory. Among them there were about 400 women factory workers and 80% of them were physically suitable for giving birth. The upper level had very strict implementation of family planning work. Not only unplanned birth was forbidden, even unplanned pregnancy was considered a misconduct. Therefore there were two officers in the family planning office and their major work was to detect any potential unplanned pregnancy. Once they detected any problem they would persuade female workers to have an abortion. How could they detect unplanned pregnancy timely and also timely persuade them to have an abortion? They started with taking care of each female worker’s menstrual cycle.
2, 1980年代初，我们厂有职工2400多名，其中女工大约400多人，80%处于生育适龄阶段。上级对计划生育工作考核极为严格，不仅不能超计划生育，甚至连计划外怀孕也视为工作失误。为此，厂计划生育办公室配有两名干事，她们的主要任务是发现计划外怀孕的疑点，一旦出现问题及时动员怀孕女工做人流。如何才能及时发现计划外怀孕的女工，动员她们尽早作人工流产，以从源头上就堵住超计划生育呢?这只能从掌握每个女工的生理周期作起。
3, Women’s menstrual cycle is highly personal and private, how could the family planning office fully manage the situation? This meant we offered our detailed “care” to each female worker. We particularly allocated some fund for women’s “welfare” - during their menstrual cycle they could go to the family planning office to get two free packages of pads. This was a basic way to set calendar of each woman’s menstrual cycle.
3,女性的生理周期是深度的个人隐私，厂计划生育办公室如何能做到完全掌握情况呢?这就要将掌握情况寓于对女工的“关心”之中。当时我们厂专门拨出一笔经费来用于发放女工“福利”——女工生理周期时可以去计划生育办公室领取两包卫生纸(长方型包装，类似于南方茶点云片糕的包装外形)，以此为基础手段，给每个女工建立生理周期台账。
4,There was a particular process to get those pads: female workers must take off their underwear and two female officers would examine “redness” on their underwear before they gave out pads and asked them to sign. To ensure the successful procedure, there was a suite for each family planning office. For those older women who were more thick-skinned, they were very cooperative and just wanted to get the pads. They alway easily took off their underwear to prove their “true identity”.
4,领纸要经过一番手续：女工必须褪下自己的内裤，由办公室两位女干部验看内裤有无“见红”，查看验明了才能签字发放卫生纸。为了保证实施这道手续，厂里专门给计划生育办公室安排了个办公套间。对于已经老皮老脸的年长女工来说，只要能领到卫生纸就好，她们很配合，总是爽快地褪下内裤“验明正身”。
5, Now looking back, when those female workers were taking off their underwear, they had zero right to privacy. We also didn’t have any awareness to protect people’s personal privacy or invading any personal honor. To the opposite, not only were we praised by our factory leaders for being responsible at our work, but our experience was promoted and copied by others.
5,今天回想起来，当女工们褪下内裤时，她们是没有任何一点隐私权利的，而我们也决无任何一点保障个人权利、不得侵犯个人尊严的意识。相反，我们不仅被厂领导多次表扬为工作认真负责，而且被上级表彰为创造了很好的工作经验而大力推广。
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