Admiral Qin Tian, news and commentaries, 2015.5.27

Our army directs to the Sun: exclusive interview with admiral Qin Tian, director of the Science and Research Institute of National University of Defense

By Qiu Shi

1, Chairman Xi clearly pointed out that under new historical circumstances, the army must “stead forwardly protect the Party’s leadership and socialism with Chinese characteristics; firmly protect the country’s sovereignty, security and interest of development; firmly protect the important strategic development period for China; and firmly protect regional and international peace.

习近平主席明确指出，新的历史条件下，军队必须“坚决维护党的领导和中国特色社会主义制度，坚决维护国家主权、安全和发展利益，坚决维护我国发展的重要战略机遇期，坚决维护地区与世界和平。”

2, We are making a history documentary called Forward! Forward! Forward! which is mainly to advocate the army’s spirit.

我们正在搞一部史论片，叫《向前!向前!向前!》，主旨就是弘扬军魂。   

3, This documentary is based on history, but it is not simply a history documentary. It is linked through advocacy of the army’s spirit and highlights the people’s army’s red gene and great forces. From the Opium War in 1894, what the Chinese army has been like? A Japanese army officer once said that he was ashamed to fight with enemies like China. He said we were corrupted, greedy, coward, afraid of death, and easy to give up. In a nutshell, he thought we were useless. However, four decades has passed, in this land, still this nation, there is an unprecedented army, and we did an incredible thing - the Long March.  

3,这部片子是以史为背景，但不是单纯的军史片，而是以弘扬军魂为主线，揭示人民军队红色基因的本质和巨大力量。从1894年甲午战争说起，那时候的中国军队是什么样子？有个日本军官曾经说，他羞于与这样的敌人作战，腐败、贪婪、怯战、贪生怕死、望风而逃，可以说是不堪一击。然而，仅仅40年过去，还是这片土地，还是这个民族，就产生了一支举世无双的军队，干了一件惊天动地的事情——二万五千里长征。

4,What is 40 years like? It is not even a glimpse of second in a nation’s long history. But how come there was such a drastic change? How come there were so many amazing achievements? How many touching and impressive stories are there? I think this is because of genetic mutation - it is a positive genetic mutation of this nation, and this army. What are the results? This people’s army overthrew three mountains and built up a new China. Afterwards there was the Korean War, and we defeated the joint armies spearheaded by the United States.

4, 40年是个什么概念？它在一个民族漫长的历史中恐怕连一瞬都算不上。但为什么会有这样的巨变？为什么会有这样的壮举？这当中又有多少惊天地泣鬼神的故事？我说这是因为“基因突变”——是这个民族、这支军队产生的一次基因的正突变。其结果是什么？这支人民军队以摧枯拉朽之势一路打下来，推翻三座大山，建立了新中国。接着抗美援朝，跨过鸭绿江，打败美国为首的“联合国军”。

5, How come we could have so many achievements in just a few decades? It is because of the army’s spirit. It is because of the Chinese Communist Party. These loyal Communist Party Members gave spirit to this army and provided it with steel and iron will, as well as the overpassing force. Nowadays we think back about them and there is a whole-hearted calling: the spirit is back.

5, 就这么几十年的时间，为什么能这样？就是军魂在起作用。是中国共产党，是那些坚定的共产党人，给这支军队注入了一个魂，赋予它钢铁般的意志和战胜一切的力量。今天回忆他们，我们发自内心呼唤：魂兮归来。

6, In the past few years there is great economic achievement but some areas are lost. There are some people in the Party, including some leaders and cadres, their political awareness, awareness of perspectives, awareness of base and awareness of the enemy is weakened and diluted. Some people even think that if we continue to develop like this there will be no fundamental difference between China and Western Capitalist societies. They think there is no meaning to debate on ideology or political system. They have lost their confidence on the system, on theories, and on the path; they think that all roads lead to the same destination. They think it is a general trend for the whole world to be the same eventually. Under this backdrop, we could see there are internal problems of not caring ideology work, or don’t dare to take care of ideological work, or they don’t know how to do it.

6, 这些年来经济发展的成就巨大，但一些重要阵地失守了。党内很多人，包括有些领导干部，其政治意识、立场意识、阵地意识、敌情意识确实薄弱了、淡化了。一些人甚至认为，这样发展下去，中国和西方资本主义还有什么本质区别，意识形态之争、制度模式之争还有什么意义？他们内心早已失去了道路自信、理论自信和制度自信，认为所谓“殊途同归”、“世界大同”已成为必然趋势。在这样的背景下，客观上存在着对意识形态工作不想抓、不敢抓和不会抓的问题。

7, Another is external danger - the West has permeated into our politics, thinking and culture more than ever. How do we view this problem? I believe there are two types of people in our system: one type are really stupid; the other pretend to be stupid. The problem is serious because there are less and less people who are really stupid, but more and more people who pretend to be stupid. Many people know the consequences of Western dissimilation, but they don’t really show their stance, of they have shifted their stance, which is serious. If we don’t seriously target this problem, China will become the second Soviet Union sooner or later.

7, 另一个是外部危险——西方对我们的政治、思想和文化渗透已经到了无以复加的地步。对这个问题怎么看？我认为，我们体制内有这么两种人：一种是真傻，一种是装傻。而问题的严重性在于，真傻的越来越少，装傻的越来越多。很多人明明知道西方渗透的后果是什么，但就是不表明立场，或者说立场已经转过去了，这才是最要害的。这个问题如果不尖锐指出，中国迟早有一天会成为第二个苏联.

“People of Authority” Talk about China’s Economic Trend

By People’s Daily

(The last paragraph)

People of Authority: Influenced by complicated setting and other elements, currently the whole society is at a sensitive stage, and it is vitally important to stabilize people’s expectations. Market expectation and economic development could mutually influence each other and create a positive circle. A stable expectation and increased confidence could encourage the whole society’s passion to start their own businesses and increase the dynamics of market forces, therefore it will become an important momentum for economic development. Clear policy signal is key to stabilization. We could see that it is clear that the Party and the government is promoting towards the reform of marketization. And the support to entrepreneurs is consistent. We continue our system of public ownership with support of other types of ownership, which is the basic economic system in the beginning phase of socialism. The central government has not changed its direction to reform of state-owned enterprises. It has not changed its general guideline to protect the property of private entrepreneurs. It has not changed its policy to continue reform and open up and take advantage of foreign assets.

权威人士：受复杂局面和多种因素影响，当前社会心理预期处于敏感阶段，稳定预期至关重要。市场预期与经济发展可以彼此促进、良性循环。预期稳，信心增，有利于激发全社会创业创新的热情，增强市场主体的活力，进而转化为经济发展的重要动力。明确的政策信号是稳预期的关键。应当看到，党和政府推进市场化改革的方向是明确的，对企业家的支持是一贯的。坚持以公有制为主体，多种所有制经济共同发展，是社会主义初级阶段的基本经济制度。中央坚持国有企业改革方向没有变，保护民营企业产权方针没有变，坚持对外开放和利用外资政策也没有变。

The unusual headline on People’s Daily: Releasing 8 Signals

The writer Liu Shan is the deputy director of China Business Times, holder of PhD in Economics

1, For a news report generally there should be at least three pieces of key information, when, where, what happened. This was a headline story at the front page of People’s Daily, which is the most important news that day, but the “people of authority” is anonymous. The incomplete information at such an important location is obviously not a silly mistake from the editorial team. It is because it is not convenient to reveal the messenger’s identity, which highlights the secretiveness and uniqueness of this report, therefore, reveals its importance to interpret. From the logic of Chinese politics, this (these) people of authority must be in a special position and is influential in general public decision making - this piece of news is actually revealing the Central government’s analysis and judgement on the economic trend to the outside.

1,新闻报道一般至少包含三个要素，即什么时间，在哪里，发生了什么。这是一篇头版头条文章，是当天最重要报道，但被采访的权威人士未具名，新闻要素明显不全，在如此重要位置出现这种情况，显然不是编辑部犯了低级错误，而是不便透露人物身份，这凸显报道的神秘性和特殊性，更使得报道具有解读价值。从中国政治逻辑看，该权威人士一定身份特殊，对宏观决策具有影响力，这篇报道实际是在向外界传达中共中央对经济大势的分析与判断。

Signal one: There will not be a collapsing downfall in the economy. The central government is confident and capable.

信号一，经济不会出现断崖式下落，中央有定力。

Signal two: People need to actively shift the structure; those who are not active will suffer.

信号二，调结构要主动，谁不主动谁吃亏。

Signal three: Investment is still the leading force. New policies are needed for boosting consumption.

信号三，投资仍是主力军，消费要有新政策。

Signal four: The bull market is still the long-term need.

信号四，牛市是长期需要。

Signal five: Avoiding risk is a big picture. They might punish a small group to show to everyone in order to avoid seriously bad debt.

信号五，防风险是一盘棋，打破刚性兑付，杀鸡给猴看。

Signal six: Real estate is still not easy to sell.

信号六，房地产还是不好卖。

Signal 7: Macro planning will play on balance.

信号七，宏观调控要玩平衡。

Signal 8: General policy stays the same, still encourages creating wealth.

信号八，政策不会变，鼓励发财致富。

Some news, statistics, and Zhang Qianfan's bold criticism on China's Rule of Law 2015.05.25

Xi Jinping: Unite Representatives in New Media

1, At the recently finished Central United Front Work Conference, Xi Jinping said that we should unite the younger generation to have them provide support for realizing the “Chinese Dream”. It was also the first time he mentioned “strengthening and uniting representatives in new media”.

1, 中共最高领导人习近平在刚刚结束的中央统战工作会议中表示，需要团结年轻一代为实现“中国梦”提供广泛力量支持，其中还第一次提到要加强团结“新媒体中的代表性人士”。

2, Xi Jinping said we need to consolidate and develop “the widest united patriotic front”, including “strengthening and upgrading the work of representatives in new media”. He also said that they should “present positive energy while purifying the online space, and advocating mainstream ideology”.

2, 中国官方新华社报道，在周三（5月20日）的中央统战工作会议发表讲话时，同时担任中共党中央总书记和中国国家主席的习近平表示要巩固发展“最广泛的爱国统一战线”，其中包括“要加强和改善新媒体中的代表性人士的工作”，以“净化网络空间、弘扬主旋律等方面展现正能量”。

Research workshop with "representatives in new media"

1, According to Xinhua, Xi Jinping said that “we need to strengthen and better the work of representatives in new media. We need to set up regular contact channels to strengthen online and offline communication, so that they could  “present positive energy while purifying the online space, and advocating mainstream ideology”.

1, 根据新华社通稿，习近平说，“要加强和改善对新媒体中的代表性人士的工作，建立经常性联系渠道，加强线上互动、线下沟通，让他们在净化网络空间、弘扬主旋律等方面展现正能量。”

2, From March 24 to April 3, the CCP’s Central United Front’s Central Socialism Institute held the 12th Theory Research Workshop of the elite social class. 55 members participated and people who are active in the Internet business became main participants in this workshop.

2, 2015年3月24日至4月3日，中共中央统战部在中央社会主义学院举办了第12期新的社会阶层人士理论研究班，55位学员参加，互联网人士成为此次培训的作为主要对象。

   

3, Almost ⅓ of the 55 members are from the Internet and new media industry, including one of the previous major directors at Sina Weibo, current deputy director of Xiaomi Technology Chen Tong, CEO of “Toutiao” social network Zhang Yiming, Deputy Chairman of Baidu Zhu Guang; CEO of online video website Aiqiyi Gong Yu, deputy director Ms. Chen Danqing of Yoku Video Group, deputy director Ma Na of Tianya Social Network. There are also popular Internet icon Deng Fei and Ouyang Houzeng, Committee Member of the CPPCC in Wenzhou.

此次“研究班”的55名学员中有近三分之一来自互联网和新媒体业，包括原新浪微博的主要负责责任人，现小米科技副总裁陈彤、“今日头条”CEO张一鸣、百度副总裁朱光、爱奇艺CEO龚宇、优酷土豆集团副总裁陈丹青、天涯社区副总裁马娜，还有知名“网络大V”邓飞和“温州市政协委员欧阳后增等。

4, These members expressed their devotion to the current political system.

4,这些学员们也纷纷表达了向体制靠拢的决心。

Statistics Reports from Open Magazine

Some alarming statistics published by a magazine in HK, here are some quotes:

1, China’s population is 1.34 billion. There are 178 million people who are older than 60 years old, which constitute 13.26% of the population. Half of them don’t have children around them and their biggest problem is loneliness. There are 300 million unemployed people, 200 million on migration. There are 180 million single people. 58 million children are left behind in the countryside because their parents are at work in cities. 97% of the citizens don’t have adequate scientific qualities.

1, 中国人口13.4亿，60岁以上1.78亿占13.26％，其中一半无子女空巢，最大问题是心灵孤独。中国3亿人失业，2亿人口流动，单身1.8亿，5800万农村留守儿童生存状况堪忧，97%公民不具科学素养。

2, In 2011 everyone in China is anxious. Chinese people’s average annual income ranks 159th in the world; 71% of people live in great hardship; 65% of aging parents still take care of their adult children; 74% of people born after 1980s feel pressure taking care of their parents. 94.5% don’t feel safe of their food quality. 99.6% think there is less and less genuine friendship. 75.5% think it is very rare to have true friendship.

2, 2011年中国进入全民焦虑时期。房价物价飞涨、医疗费用高、养老保险成百姓忧虑之源，中国人年收入全球排名第159位，71%的人生活艰难，65%以上家庭老养小，74%的80后照顾父母力不从心，94.5%的人认为食品没有安全感。99.6%的人认为纯友谊越来越少，75.5%认为鲜有君子之交。

3, Chinese government’s income has increased 985 times, but its people’s income has increased only 19 times (didn’t say since when). Each year the casualty of abnormal death in China exceeds 3.2 million. Every year about 1 million children die before 5 years old.

3, 中国政府收入增长了985倍，而百姓收入只增长了19倍。

中国每年非正常死亡人数超过320万∶

中国每年有将近一百万五岁以下的儿童死亡

China's Great Academic Leap Forward

By Peter R. Orszag from Bloomberg

From 1970 to 2010, the number of students enrolled in higher education globally rose by 500 percent, to 178 million from 29 million. Nowhere was this growth faster than in China. While in the U.S. the number increased 140 percent, in China, it rose almost 30,000 percent, and the country more than doubled its number of colleges. Of global total enrollment, China’s share expanded from nothing to 17 percent. For comparison, India’s share rose from 9 percent to 12 percent during the same period.

These relationships also extend to research. China has become the top international collaborator for U.S. researchers. And by 2012, almost half of Chinese collaborations abroad were with Americans, Freeman and Huang have found.

Zhang Qianfan: Conviction of Speech is a denunciation of Rule of Law

Law professor Zhang Qianfan of Peking University Law School published a very critical review on the charges of Xu Zhiyong on FT Chinese.

1, The charges (on Xu Zhiying’s crime) are very simple and vague. Most of the evidence was based on some weibo messages Xu had posted in the past few years. Therefore this is a typical conviction of speech.

1, 起诉书对被告的“犯罪”事实简单罗列、语焉不详，全部定罪证据就是被告过去几年发表的若干微博，因而是典型的以言定罪。

2, This action not only violates the defendant's freedom of speech, which is supposed to be protected by the Constitution on Article 35, but it also represents that the police and the procuratorate lack basic respect of people’s freedom. During the execution of their public power they are very restless. In an anarchist state, individuals could protect themselves on their own, but if the controllers of national machine reach their own agenda through threatening the freedom of its people, then this country is actually a tool for the ruler to enslave its people. It is the same in nature as mafia’s kidnapping and robbery.

2, 这种做法不仅涉嫌侵犯被告受宪法第35条保护的言论自由，而且体现了公安与检察对于公民的基本人身自由缺乏敬畏，而在行使剥夺这一自由的公权力过程中显得过于轻率。

在无政府状态，私人尚可利用一己之力保护自己，但是如果国家机器的掌控者可以通过威胁人民的自由来达到自己的目的，那么国家就成了统治者奴役人民的工具，在本质上与黑社会绑架勒索无异。

3, Rule of law not only relies on the self-control of the country, but it also needs the supervision from the society, particularly from lawyers. Pu Zhiqiang is sued by the public power as a lawyer this time - it is not an auspicious signal for China’s rule of law.

3, 依法治国不仅要依靠政府的自觉，更离不开社会的监督，尤其是律师的作用，而此次作为律师的浦志强却因为言论而受到公权力起诉，对于中国法治而言是一个不祥的信号。

4, Over the past three decades, Chinese lawyers have become important backbones on promoting China’s rule of law. Actually Pu Zhiqiang himself as a lawyer had contributed a lot on getting rid of China’s education through labor system. If lawyers’ basic rights and security can’t be protected and the police could exploit lawyers’ freedom on unjustified charges, China’s rule of law will undoudtedly go through serious setback.

4, 改革三十多年来，中国律师已经成长为推动法治的中坚力量。事实上，浦志强律师本人即通过个案为废除劳教等制度进步立过汗马功劳。如果律师的基本权利和人身安全得不到保障，警察可以因为言论等莫须有的罪名而剥夺维权律师的人身自由，中国法治无疑将发生严重倒退。

Ben Xu and Yang Xuedong, 2015.05.20

A Society with “Big Fire”

Ben Xu, Lecturer at the Department in English at St. Mary’s College of California

1, In China, for a long time there was no distinction between anger and hatred, therefore many Chinese people easily remember vengeance and they often consider holding on to vengeance as something worth bragging. Class struggle is a kind of hatred and it is often understood as justified “loyal hatred”. “Firmly remember class hatred” is considered to be politically conscious. But actually this kind of enlightenment is just an abstract concept. There is actually no specific object for the hater to hate (if he sees a neighbor who is considered a “rightist” he is not going to beat him for no reason). Class struggle is an ideology, and it is not just an emotion studied in the discipline of psychology.

1, 在中国，长期以来愤怒与仇恨是不加区别的，因此不少国人特别容易记仇，还经常把记仇当作一件值得赞许的事情。阶级斗争是一种仇恨，也总是被理解为正当的“义愤”，“牢记阶级仇”被当成一种政治觉悟(“仇恨入心要发芽”“痛打落水狗”)，其实这种觉悟只是一个抽象的概念，它并没有仇恨者愤怒的具体个人对象(他看见一个“右派”的邻居并不会无缘无故地去打他)。阶级仇恨是一种意识形态，已经不再是心理学所研究的“情绪”。

2, Before, in every political campaign there were always “meetings for fights” and “meetings for criticism” that many people just follow blindly. Nowadays though this kind of political struggles have stopped, but this habitual way of venting anger has been continuing. For every news events, the emotionally charged “agitated anger” online always outvoice rational analysis. This is reckless and irresponsible “agitated anger”. People vent all kinds of curse words.

2, 以前，每次政治运动都少不了让群众随声附和、发泄愤怒的“斗争会”和“批判会”。这样的政治斗争虽然停止了，但这种习惯性的发泄愤怒方式还在延续。每次发生新闻事件，网上情绪性的“激愤”总是压倒了理性分析，这是一种没有节制、也没有责任感的激愤，什么脏话都骂得出来。

3, Anger expressed in a group is different from anger expressed by individuals. Anger expressed by individuals is generally sincere; while anger exhibited in a group is different. For those individuals who are not necessary really angry, if they are in a group they could pretend to be very angry, especially if there are chances to show their “extreme anger”. It is common that some individuals realize their personal interests in an angry group.

3,在群体中表现的愤怒与个人的愤怒情绪不同。个人的愤怒一般有真实感，但群体中表现的愤怒，即使不愤怒的个人也可以假装得很愤怒，尤其是有表现“义愤填膺”的机会。在群体愤怒行动中达到私人的利益目的是常有的事情。

4, It is very common in China to demonstrate people’s legitimacy through venting anger, instead of reasoning. In news reports and political slogan there is always the words of “angrily lament” or “loudly command”. It is as if people get more legitimate if they could “angrily lament”, get upset and fight. The popular book Unhappy China is a book full of anger and lack of rationality.

4, 不是以讲道理，而是以发怒来表现自己正确，在今天的中国是普遍的现象。新闻报道和政治话语中也经常使用“怒斥”或“声讨”的说法，好像一怒斥、生气、讨伐就得了理似的。十几年前走红过的《中国不高兴》，就是一本很愤怒但说理千疮百孔的书。

5, A society with a “big fire” must be an unreasonable society. A society that is unreasonable also nurtures people with “big fire”. If there are more people in a society who are unreasonable and have “big fire”, the society will be less healthy. More than 2000 years ago Socrates had said that there is correlation between a healthy soul and a healthy state. This saying still stands today.

5, 火大的社会一定是一个不讲理的社会，而一个不讲理、无理可讲、无处讲理的社会也一定是一个人们会普遍火大的社会。一个社会里不说理的人、火大的人越多，整个社会也越不健康。2000多年前，苏格拉底就看到，一个健康的灵魂和一个健康的城邦之间有着某种可以相互印证的联系。这个看法在今天也还是同样适用。

Global Perspective and the Power Construction of China’s International Voice

Yang Xuedong: Director of Translation of Central Documentation Department in the Party’s Central Compilation & Translation Bureau

1, The construction of China’s international discursive power needs to consider changes in international society. We can’t just pay attention to Western society, especially not just consider the approval and acknowledgement of the United States. We also need to holistically consider the points of focus of different interest groups in the international society. Through proposing constructively, we need to actively respond to key concerns in the international society and play an active role in creating international consensus.

1, 中国的国际话语权建设应该充分考虑到国际社会的变化，不能只关注西方社会，尤其是不能只考虑美国的接受和认可，还要综合权衡国际社会中不同利益方的关注点，通过提出创造性方案，积极回应国际社会的重要关切，在打造国际共识中发挥主动作用。

2, Secondly, we need to deal with the relationship between state-led discourse and discourse in the society. The construction of China’s international discourse is explicitly led by the State, which is helpful for increasing the coherence of the discursive construction and it is also helpful to have a positive effect in a short amount of time, therefore raises attention from the international society. However, there are also obvious shortcoming for state-led discourse. First is that it does not correspond to international customs. Second is that the way of expression is too formatic and it is difficult to fully reflect China’s changes and dynamics in Chinese society since the reform and open up. To better the situation, on one hand we need to improve the construction system of nation-led discursive power, and absorb nutrition from vivid life in society. We need to shorten the gap between the state and the society and eliminate contradiction between the two. On the other hand, we also need to try to create more platforms and mechanisms through bilateral and multilateral international relations to strengthen China’s discursive power.

2, 其次，要处理好国家主导的话语与社会表达的话语之间的关系。中国的国际话语权建设，带有强烈的国家主导色彩，有助于提高话语权建设的一致性，并在短时间内形成集中表达的效果，提高国际社会的关注度。不过，国家主导的话语也有明显的不足。一是与国际社会的接受习惯不匹配，二是话语表达形式程式化过强，难以全面反映改革开放以来中国社会的变化和活力。要做到这点，一方面要改进国家主导的话语体系建设，从社会创造的鲜活话语中汲取营养，缩小国家与社会在话语表达上的差距，消弭二者之间的矛盾；另一方面，要在双边、多边外交中，搭建民间外交、公共外交的平台和机制，增强中国社会的话语权。

3,Third, we need to highlight the experience of China’s development. We particularly need to have a systematic summary of the governing experience and make it “universal”. The great achievement China has made in the past few years proves that our reform fits the rules of economic development. Many of our experiences could be universalized and could be referenced by other countries.

3, 第三，要重视将中国的发展经验，尤其是治国理政经验的系统总结，加以“普世化”。中国近年取得的巨大成就，说明我们的改革是符合经济社会发展规律的，其中的许多经验，也具有普适性，可供其它国家参考借鉴。

4, During the process of summarizing China’s development experience, we must avoid extremes - categorizing “Chinese characteristics” as the “Chinese exceptionalism”, which could shackle our thoughts and actions and alienate or even contrast the international society. Only do we systematically summarize China’s development experience, make it more abstract, theorize it, can we be more convincing in the international society, can we upgrade to rational thinking and dialogue from just presenting individual examples.

4, 在总结中国发展经验的过程中，一定要避免将“中国特色”极端化为“中国例外论”，给自己的思维和行动套上枷锁，并把自己疏离甚至对立于国际社会。只有系统总结中国的发展经验，将其抽象化、理论化，才能使对国际社会的说服，从简单地举例子提升到理性思考对话的层次。

5, We need to take advantage of multilateral mechanisms. Multilateral diplomatic events should not only rely to existing international organizations, we also need to continuously create new communication platforms and international organizations. On this point, most countries actually are on the same level. China should fully take advantage of its elevated economic status to strengthen its connection with each country. We have lots of room to grow.  

第四，要善于利用多边机制。多边外交活动除了要依靠现有的国际组织之外，还需要不断搭建新的多边交流平台，创建新的国际组织。在这点上，大部分国家实际上处于同一起跑线上，中国充分利用自己经济实力的提升，加强与各国联系的紧密度，我们将有更大的作为空间。

5, We need to pay attention to the textual support in international discursive power. Increasing discursive power is a kind of cultural development and we need to strengthen the translation and broadcast of Chinese cultural products. On one hand there is a lack of systematic planning of translation. There is imbalance of content and languages. There is a lack of attention on other developing countries. The second is that important official documents are main texts for China’s international discursive power, but there is no scaled effect of some documents, which constraints the upgrading of China’s international image as a transparent country. And it is not helpful for the international society to fully understand China’s system, policies and governing model.

5, 第五，要重视国际话语权的文本支撑。增强话语权也是一种文化建设，需要加强中国文化产品对外翻译和传播的工作。一是对外翻译缺乏统筹规划，内容和语种的配置不平衡，对发展中国家的需求重视不够；二是重要官方文件是中国国际话语权的主要文本，而一些文件的翻译还没有形成规模效应，制约了中国国际形象透明度的提升，不利于国际社会对中国制度、政策和治理方式的全面理解。

6, In the process of constructing international discursive power we need to be careful of two wrong trends: one is to think, plan and judge international publicity with the mindset of “domestic propaganda”. The ruling Party has accumulated rich experience of internal propaganda and has mastered a large number of channels and mechanisms. It is easy to start a campaign and create a coherent scenario within China. But when it is for international publicity, we must be careful not to overstress coherence, formality and one-direction. We need to increase our awareness of the recipients and interaction. The second is the mindset to pursue political performance. Discursive development is different from economic development. It needs funding, as well as time. We can’t be impatient and have “leap forward” or “image projects”, which might seem magnificent in form, but actually is not cost-effective, or they could even seriously damage China’s international image. Therefore we need to seriously study the rules and follow them during the construction of international discursive power. We need to learn our lessons and other people’s experiences, and explore suitable ways for China to increase its international status.

在国际话语权建设的过程中，应该警惕两种错误倾向：一是用“内宣”的思维来思考、规划和评价对外传播。执政党积累了丰富的对内宣传经验，并且掌握着大量的渠道和机制，也容易发动宣传动员，形成一致的舆论局面，但是在对外传播时候，切忌过度强调一致性、正式化、单向性以及高频率，应该有更强的受众意识、分众传播意识和互动意识。二是追求政绩的思维。话语权建设不同于经济工作，需要财政的投入，也需要时间的积累，不能急躁冒进，搞“大跃进”、“形象工程”，那样虽然形式上轰轰烈烈，但往往事倍功半，甚至严重损害中国的国际形象，因此要深入研究和遵循国际话语权建设的规律，积极总结经验教训，探索适应中国国际定位和国内期待的话语权建设途径。

Xia Xueluan and Zhang Qianfan, 2015.05.19

Nationwide anxiety and unbalance of social psychology during transformation

Xia Xueluan is a professor of Sociology at Peking University

1, The unbalance of social psychology during transformation is because of the reality of the increasingly sharp social contradiction. Compared to the overall poverty during planned economy, market economy leads to huge gap between the rich and the poor, which is intolerable for those who were used to live in planned economy. They have felt this unprecedented loss. This is the loss from planned economy to market economy, from an organized society to anarchism. Those who have never experienced this kind of transformation can’t really understand this kind of social psychological unbalance.

1, 转型期的社会心理失衡是由转型期日益突出的尖锐社会矛盾现实所决定的。相比计划经济时代的普遍贫困，市场经济导致了贫富悬殊、两极分化。这是习惯在计划经济条件下生活的人所不能容忍的，他们感到从来没有过的失落。这是从计划体制到市场体制的失落，是从组织社会到无政府状态的失落。这种社会心理失衡是没有经历过这种变革的人所无法体会的。

2, The arrangement of social structure, system stratification, job opportunities and social mobility could all cause anxiety and become the source of anxiety. To be more specific, residency, housing, education, social insurance, health insurance, wealth, employment and consumption could all become the focus of social psychological anxiety.

2, 社会的结构安排、制度分层、就业机会、社会流动等因素都可能引起人们的焦虑，成为社会焦虑产生的原因。具体来说，户口、住房、教育、社保、医保、财富、就业、消费等事项都有可能成为社会心理焦虑的焦点。

3, Since the social anxiety and psychological unbalance during transformation is mostly because of the society, it is appropriate to use some social psychology to deal with this problem. Social issues related to people’s livelihood leads to social anxiety. For example, social anxiety like huge social gap, employment difficulty, high prices and food security, real policy solutions are required to seriously change these situations.

3, 由于转型期的心理焦虑及心理失衡大多是由社会原因造成的，所以对其调适更多要用社会心理方法。民生类社会问题所引起的社会心理焦虑调适。像社会两极分化、就业难、物价高和食品安全等问题所引起的社会心理焦虑，调适方法就是用政策和制度切实解决这类社会问题或认真改善这类社会问题存在状况。

Three possible prospects of China’s Rule of Law

Zhang Qianfan is a professor of Law at Beijing University’s Law School

1, The control on thoughts and economics level is “soft violence”, which is how totalitarianism is different from authoritarianism. Thoughts control (ideology control) firstly controls people’s mindset and make people wholeheartedly embrace and worship power without any hard violence. This is the supreme state of authoritarian control. Economic control is to make business institutions rely on state power through public ownership. If there are any problems with ideology or speeches they will have to shoulder the possibility unemployment or other economic consequences. For example, if they published a banned book, the whole publish house will have to close and all of its employees will lose their jobs.

1, 思想和经济层面的管制则属于“软暴力”，也是极权有别于一般威权的特征。思想管制通过洗脑控制人民的思维，使之根本不用实施硬暴力就衷心拥戴政权。这是威权统治的最高境界。经济管制则是通过公有制造成对政权的经济依附，如果思想或言论出现偏差就要承担失业等经济后果，譬如说出版了一本禁书就要关闭出版社，出版社的全体工作人员都得丢饭碗。

2, I divide China’s ideology after 1949 into three phases. The first phase is the “nationwide brainwash” period in 1950s and 1960s; the second is the phase of “elites’ retrospection” since 1978, marked by the debates of standards of truth; right now we are in the “nationwide enlightenment” phase, which is largely due to the development of the Internet. Marked by the Sun Zhigang incident in 2003, since then every Netizen could reflect on history and the current situation, which hugely increases the strength of retrospection on the legitimacy of the system and criticism. It is under this backdrop that there is a new battle of ideology. Though official media has tried hard to brainwash people and the Ministry of Education has recently restressed political ideology work in university, these measures might be effective in the short term. However, in the long term it is definitely futile.

2, 我曾将1949年后的中国意识形态变化分为三个阶段。第一个是五六十年代的“全民洗脑”阶段，第二个是以1978年真理标准辩论为标志的“精英反思”阶段，现在则已进入“全民觉醒”阶段。主要是因为互联网的发展，以2003年的孙志刚事件为标志，每个网民都有条件对历史和现状进行反思，极大加大了对制度合法性的反思和批判力度。正是在这种背景下，上演着一场新的意识形态战争，官媒先后出现了夺回意识形态上的“上甘岭”、对宪政民主思想进行“亮剑”等极左话语，教育部重新强调高校政治思想工作。这些措施可能会有点一时之效，但长远来看肯定是无用功。

3, Compared to outside the system, the conditions within the system (for systematic political reform) are less fertile. The conditions within the system also has different phases. First, there should be the public appearance of the reformists. Also, the force of reformists should be stronger than the conservative. However, currently who are the “reformists” within the system”? This question is difficult to answer. During Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao’s time, there was Wen who publicly advocated the universal value. No matter it was a show or not, right now there are no people like him. Though there might be different divisions of belief within the party but they don’t really publicly announce anything, at least the outside lacks information about that. This kind of closed and secretive fights within different Party divisions do not provide any momentum for the positive transformation of the state.  

3, 和体制外相比，体制内的条件更难满足。体制内的条件也分为不同阶段。首先，要有改良派的公开存在。然后，改良派的力量还得超过保守派。但是现在，中国体制内的“改良派”是谁？这个问题就说不清楚。胡温时代，还有温家宝公开主张普世价值，不管是否作秀，现在连这样的人也没有了。即便党内有派也不公开活动，至少外界缺乏信息。这种封闭状态的派系斗争对于国家良性转型是没有作用和动力的。

4,Generally speaking, the current situation in China is that the hardliners outstand the reformists, and they also have the absolute loyalty from the military.

4,总体上讲，中国现状是强硬派压倒改良派，还掌握军队的绝对忠诚。

5, Since the past three decades of China’s reform and open up, though social forces in China have grown much stronger, but generally speaking there is still “no religion, no organization, and no consensus”. There is no element of religion in traditional Chinese culture, and Confucius generally highlights on the elite class, therefore has limited influence on the majority of people. The lack of moral resources make most people become passive onlookers, which makes it worse for the already difficult transformation in China. Chinese people’s tolerance towards grievances is higher than people of any other countries.

5, 改革三十年，中国社会力量虽然壮大了许多，但总体上仍未走出无信仰、无组织、无共识的“三无”状态。中国传统文化中没有宗教因素，儒家伦理主要限于士大夫精英阶层，对普通民众影响有限。道德资源缺失让绝大多数人都成为消极被动的“围观者”，给中国已很困难的转型雪上加霜。民众对不幸的忍受度比其它国家都高。

6, Under this background, there are three possibilities of China’s future. The first is the long-term coexistence of totalitarianism and social crisis - don’t underestimate the possibility of this scenario. China indeed is already a country of frequent crisis, and there are an increasing number of crisis on the aspects of economics, population, morality and environment. But we don’t have many reasons to believe that these crisis will overthrow the whole regime. The second is the explosion of crisis, which leads to social disorder and collapse of the regime. This prospect is worrisome. No positive fruits will come out of evil soil. Power emerged from crisis is generally worse than the previous one. The third possibility is partial dysfunction of the authoritarian government. Reformists within the system will actively consider political reform and there will be a new round of positive interaction within the system. The prospect of this possibility is the brightest, but so far we haven’t seen any clue for this one.

6, 在此背景下，中国未来的走向主要有三种可能性。第一种是集权与社会危机长期并存，不要低估这种可能性。中国确实是一个危机频仍的国家，经济、人口、伦理、环境危机越来越频发，但是如果执政党在处理过程中没有大的闪失，没有什么理由认为这些危机一定会导致翻盘。第二种是危机大爆发，社会失序、政权坍塌。这种前景令人担忧，因为恶性土壤长不出良性的果子，危机下产生的政权一般会比原来的更糟糕。第三种可能是威权局部失灵，体制内开明派主动考虑政治改革，体制内外形成新一轮良性互动。这种可能的前景最为光明，但目前还不见端倪。

News and Summaries, 2015.05.18

How to calm the agitated Chinese society?

Zheng Yongnian: director of National University of Singapore’s East Asian Institute

1, We could imagine this real scenario, in about 15 years, the generation born after the One-Child policy will start to engage in economical and political stage, also in the elite class. There are a few characteristics of people in this group. First, in a continuously exclusive system, for those who belong to the power class, generally speaking, the One-Child generation never really suffered much bitterness and don’t have any strong social responsibility. Second, they grew up in loneliness, though in the elite class, they don’t have good communication skills or don’t know much about the spirit of cooperation. Third, the education they received is profoundly contradictory.

1, 我们可以设想这样一个真实情景：再过15年左右，独生子女一代开始走上经济政治等各方面的舞台，精英阶层也不例外。这个群体具有几个主要特点。第一，在一个不断呈现排他性的制度体系下，那些属于权势阶层的后代，普遍而言，独生子女既没有受过多少苦，也没有很强的社会责任心。第二，他们在孤独中成长，身处精英阶层，却没有很好的沟通和合作精神。第三，他们所受的教育是一种具有深刻矛盾的教育。

2, The prospect and consequences of social disorder is utterly clear. Most importantly we need to realize that we must avoid the vicious trap of traditional revolution and revolt. No matter it is revolution or revolt, let alone the countless number of death and huge destruction of productivity, the most important is that they are not a way out for Chinese society. They are simply reproduction of the social system.

2,社会失序的前景与后果非常明确。最重要的是要认识到，传统上革命和造反的恶性陷阱必须避免。革命也好，造反也好，且不说会导致无数生命的牺牲和对生产力的巨大破坏，更为重要的是它们都不是中国社会的出路，它们仅仅是社会体制的简单再生产。

3, In China, gradual change is the real change, radical change, particularly revolution may not lead to any change, because radical change generally leads to simple repetition.

3, 在我国，渐进的变化是真正的变化，而激进的变化尤其是革命可能是没有任何变化，因为激进的变化往往促成历史的简单重复。

4, In the past few years, there are two groups of people who have been emigrating overseas. One is the very educated group, the other is the wealthy group. For many years the government has set up many appealing programs to attract talents, but there is still a forceful trend of brain drain. In the age of globalization, the fluidility of this intelligent group is increasingly apparent.

4, 这些年来，社会有两个群体在努力移民海外，一个是高端知识群体，一个是财富群体。很多年里，国家制定了很多吸引人才回国的项目，但高端知识群体的流失仍然是个大趋势。在全球化时代，这个知识群体的流动性越来越大。

5, No matter previous government officials or entrepreneurs, in a new society, they are basically just a lone group of high-end consumers. They have money to consume, but don’t have the capability to set up organic connections with mainstream society.

5, 无论官员还是企业家，在一个新的社会，基本上只是一个孤立的高消费群体，他们有钱来消费，但没有能力和主流社会建立有机的联系。

Some worth-noting social attitudes and trends

Wang Junxiu: Director and Researcher of the Social Psychology Office of China Academy of Social Sciences

1, From the survey we have found out that compare to 2010, the general trust level in 2014 has changed to generally trusting, from negative - not trusting. Those who choose mistrust very much has reduced 1.2 percent compared to 2010.

1, 通过调查我们发现，与2010年相比，2014年人们的社会总体信任水平从负性判断回归到一般信任，选择非常不信任的人群，比2010年调查减少了1.2个百分点。

2, There is a general expansion of the dimension of mistrusted groups. Only fewer than half of the people believe that most of the people in society are worth trusting and don’t need to be cautious of. If that person is a stranger, the ratio of trust is less, which is only 20 to 30%. The mis-trust of the majority of people make people live in constant caution and insecurity. And this kind of mutual distrust is gradually consolidating and becoming our social character. In the long term it is going to form a general culture of mistrust.

2, 人际不信任的扩大化。只有不到一半的人认为社会上大多数人可信，不需要小心提防，但如果这个人是陌生人，信任的比例更少到只有2到3成。对多数人的不信任使得每个人都生活在谨慎和不安的相互提防中，这种相互的不信任正逐渐固化为我们的社会性格，长久下去将会形成一种不信任文化。

3, There is also an increasing distrust among different groups. There is distrust between officials and laypeople, police and laypeople, doctors and patients, consumers and entrepreneurs. There is also distrust among different social classes.

3, 群体间的不信任加深和固化。表现为官民之间、警民之间、医患之间、民商之间等许多主要社会关系之间的不信任，也表现在不同阶层群体之间的不信任。

4, There is increasing friction and conflicts. Social distrust has become the foundation for many social events. Class awareness has become the core of social mentality and social behavior. Everyone cares about their position in this society. They care which class they belong to in this society, and everyone has the aspiration to upward mobility.

社会的内耗和冲突加大。社会不信任已经成为许多社会性事件发生的培养基。阶层意识成为社会心态和社会行为的重心.每个人都很在意自己在社会中的地位，在意自己属于哪一个阶层，每个人都有向上流动的愿望。

5, Also, the general tone of social emotion is positive, but there is also alarming negative emotion that is not good for individual health or social harmony.

5, 第一，社会情绪总体的基调是正向为主，但一些不利于个人健康和社会和谐的负向情绪基调不容乐观。

6, The tipping point of negative emotion is very low, and emotions are strong and clearly directed. We could see from many expression of negative social emotions, that there is very strong reactions in big social events.

6, 第二，负向情绪的引爆点降低，爆发激烈，指向性明确。我们也可以看到许多负向社会情绪的表现，在影响比较大的社会事件中都有激烈的情绪反应，

7, Another new characteristic of social value is that there is an increased awareness of people’s rights. From the analysis of social opinions and group events, we could see that the most popular cause of social events is to fight for their rights. Those who fight for their rights are from all kinds of major groups.

7,社会价值观念的另一个新特点是民众的权利意识增强，从舆情和群体性事件的分析看，维权成为目前社会性行动和事件出现最多的目标。在已发生的群体性事件中，维权的群体几乎涵盖了所有主要人群。

8, The multi-dimensional values in society in a certain sense is because people of different social classes, cultural background and living conditions have different interests, different needs and different knowledge structure, as well as different source of information and different influence from their social environment, which is normal. And it is also a natural consequence of social transition from the previous single value system. However, there is another striking problem behind this multi-dimensional value system, which is a lack of shared value. Take the example of people’s view on rights, everyone has their different understanding of rights. Some people look at rights from their own personal perspective and don’t consider other people’s rights. The cross of personal rights and public rights has stirred up many disturbance and conflicts.

8, 社会价值观多元一定意义上源于不同社会阶层、不同文化背景、不同生活环境下人们的不同利益、不同需求、不同的知识体系、不同信息接触和周围社会环境的影响，这是正常的，也是社会转型中过去单一价值体系解体后的必然结果。但这种价值观念多元背后也存在着另一个突出问题，就是共享价值观念缺乏。以如何看待权利为例，每个人对权利都有不同的理解，许多人更多从自身角度去看待权利，而不考虑他人的权利。个人权利的越界，公权力的越界引发了许许多多的纠纷和冲突。