Saturday, February 28, 2015

News, commentaries and debates, 15-02-28



Lee Ming-huei is a researcher at the Academia Sinica’s Institute of Chinese Literature and Philosophy in Taiwan
In January 23, 34, 2015 published in The Paper ( a new media outlet based in Shanghai, set up in June 2014)
1, The Democratic Progressive Party thinks traditional Chinese culture is from the Chinese Communist Party and it does not belong to Taiwan. This logic is very stupid. But we can’t generalize the Democratic Progressive Party because there are many different branches within the Democratic Progressive Party. Among them the Fundamentalist's voice is the loudest. They basically want to separate the mainland and Taiwan very clearly. Their logic is generally very chaotic and they have made a fool of themselves.  
1, 民进党认为中国传统文化是中国共产党的，不是台湾的，其实这种逻辑是很愚蠢的。不过也不能这样笼统地说民进党，因为民进党中也有很多派别。其中基本教义派的声音最大，他们基本上就是要把大陆和台湾分得清清楚楚，但他们的逻辑常常是错乱的，闹出不少笑话。
2, For example the so-called “Taiwan language” is actually Southern Min dialect. But they keep calling it Taiwan language, and this logic is wrong.
2, 比如现在所谓的“台湾话”，其实就是闽南语，但是他们非要称它为台湾话，这其中的逻辑就不通。
3, Democracy is a product in modern society. The building of a democratic system requires the transition from traditional society to modern society. In a lot of senses it requires a cultural transition. In the past most Chinese didn’t really have the citizenship awareness, because they have never lived in a civil society. However, a democratic society needs the foundation of citizen’s awareness, so we need a shift in thinking.
3, 因为民主本身就是现代社会的产物，民主制度的建立本身就需要从传统社会过渡到现代社会，在很多地方都需要一个文化转化的过程。在过去一般中国人都不具有公民意识，因为并没有生活在公民社会中。但是民主社会需要有公民意识作为基础，所以需要思想上的转化。
4, Right now we still have the traditional thinking of “cultivate yourself, manage a house, rule the country and run the world”. However in modern society we should not require politicians to behave like this because public morality is the bottom line and they can’t cross it. In terms of politician’s relationship with their partners, that is their private business. It is the business between an individual man and woman.
4, 我们现在拥有的还是“修身、齐家、治国、平天下”的传统观念。但是现代社会不能再这样要求政治人物，因为公德是基本的底线，不能违背；至于和配偶的关系好不好，那是家务事，是两个男女之间的问题。
5, First of all I don’t really acknowledge the term “Mainland’s Neo-Confucianism”. Nowadays the so-called “Mainland Neo-Confucians” are mostly centered around Jiang Qing, include a small number of self-claimed people like Chen Ming. Neo-Confucianism did not emerge in the mainland until recently, it has been there for a long time. Besides those Neo-Confucians who have moved to Hong Kong and Taiwan, ain’t Xiong Shili, Liang Shuming and Fou Youlan all Neo-Confucians from the mainland? Where should they be catagorized?
5, 首先我对“大陆新儒家”的这个说法不认同。现在所谓的“大陆新儒家”是主要以蒋庆为中心，包括陈明在内的一小撮人的自我标榜。但并非到现在大陆才有新儒家，而是本来就有的。除了那些后来赴港台的新儒家之外，熊十力、梁漱溟和冯友兰不都是大陆新儒家吗？他们的位置放在哪里呢？
6, Second, I don’t agree with their categorization between Moral Confucianism and Political Confucianism. They believe neo-Confucians from Hong Kong and Taiwan lean more towards Moral Confucianism and neo-Confucians from Mainland lean more towards Political Confucianism. This is probably mostly because Jiang Qing has been advocating political Confucianism.
6, 其次，我也不赞同他们对心性儒学和政治儒学的区分。他们认为港台的新儒家偏重心性儒学，而大陆新儒家的侧重点在政治儒学，这多半是因为蒋庆在讲政治儒学的缘故。
7, Third, in Confucian tradition it is impossible to separate Moral Confucianism and Political Confucianism. I have also publicly criticized Jiang Qing. In my view, their so-called Political Confucianism is utopica. Nowadays Taiwan does not advocate Political Confucianism anymore because it has become a reality and does not need more advocacy. I think the policies that Jiang Qing have planned showed that actually he doesn’t really know much about politics. It is just his wishful thinking. Jiang Qing’s understanding of the West is very superficial. Also he does not have any practical political experience and does not know how a democratic system operates.
7, 第三，心性儒学和政治儒学在儒家的传统里本来就无法划分开来。我也公开批评过蒋庆。蒋庆他们所讲的政治儒学在我看来就是乌托邦. 现在台湾不再讲政治儒学，那是因为它已经成为现实，再也不用特别提倡。我看蒋庆所设想的那些制度，就表明他对政治根本就不了解，完全是他自己的一厢情愿。蒋庆对西方的了解很肤浅，也没有实际的政治经历，不知道民主制度是如何运作的。
(About Neo-Confucianism and Democracy in Taiwan)
8, In the 1950s the debates between Neo-Confucianism and Liberalism in Taiwan was because they had different attitude towards traditional Chinese culture. New-Confucians believe setting up a democratic system is not as simple as changing a costume -- you can just put it on top. The building of a democratic system needs to be compatible with the original culture. Therefore they need to introduce some resources from traditional culture. In their declaration in 1958 Neo-Confucians objected the “adding method”. Liberal scholars’ logic is very simple. They believe to promote the democratic system it is ok to just copy the Western democratic system.
8, 1950年代新儒家和自由主义在台湾产生争论的主要原因是他们对中国传统文化的态度不一样。新儒家的学者认为建立民主制度不是像换衣服一样简单，从外面拿来一件穿上了事。民主制度的建立本来就需要和原来的文化相调适，所以必须在传统文化里面找一些思想的资源来接引。新儒家在1958年的宣言中就反对“加添法”。自由主义学者的思维就很简单，认为要推行民主制度，直接照搬西方的民主制度就好了。
9, Of course we are not saying that there is the concept of democracy in traditional Chinese culture. It is that there are some resources in traditional Chinese culture that are beneficial to build up democracy. Why don’t we take good advantage of it? Why do we have to clash traditional culture and put on a coat of democracy? It is because of their different attitude on traditional Chinese culture, there is rupture between Neo-Confucianism and Liberalism. The result was both sides clashed.
9, 当然我们的意思不是说中国传统文化里面就有民主，而是说其中有些资源是有利于建立民主的。为什么不好好利用这种资源呢？而是非要把传统文化打倒后，从外面凭空换上一套民主的衣服？正因为对中国传统文化的态度不一样，新儒家和自由主义两派就分裂了，结果是两败俱伤。
(About Intellectuals’ role in society, difference between Confucian and other intellectuals)
10, It is easier to understand that before intellectuals had a particular status because of the exam system in the ancient time. In the old time being a government official was the only path for an intellectual. They had to shoulder the responsibility of the society, because besides them, no one was able to shoulder this important responsibility. However, in modern society it is very different. It is even hard to define so-called intellectuals.
10,以前士大夫的地位特殊，这是很容易理解的，因为过去有科举考试，而做官又是士大夫的唯一出路。他们必须要以天下为己任，因为除了他们，没人可以承担治国的重任。但是现代社会不大一样，对所谓的知识分子都很难定义。


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Friday, February 27, 2015

News and commentaries, 15-02-27

“Salt theory” （盐论) sounds the same as “speech” (言论)
The writer Zhai Zhenming is a professor at Sun Yat-sen University’s Department of Philosophy
Zhai mainly praised Secretary General Han Zhen of Beijing Foreign Studies University’s Party Committee. Secretary General Han published an article on “Being the avant-garde to lead social values” in Beijing Daily and it was reposted on People’s Daily


His direct quotes on “salt theory”:
For ideology education work, soft infiltration is better than hard penetration. Equal dialogue is better than condescending lectures. To strengthen the ideology education of socialist core values we must change the discourse system. We can’t always rely on the top-down approach. Socialist core values should be like an ingredient, or like salt. It should be mixed into all kinds of dishes, so it will be healthy for everyone when they eat it. If you ask teachers and students to eat salt directly, the result won't be good anymore.  
思想宣传工作，软性渗透比生硬的直接灌输好，平等对话比居高临下的效果好。加强社会主义核心价值观的宣传教育，一定要改变话语体系，不能一味依赖纯灌输的方法。社会主义核心价值观应该像调味品一样，或者像盐一样，调在我们做出的各种佳肴里，让大家吃下去有利于健康，如果让师生直接吃盐效果就不好了.
Popular sexist intellectuals
(“Straight man cancer”, according to The Nanfang, refers to a fictional non-curable disease that straight men can get. Patients infected with this disease usually show symptoms such as having terrible fashion sense, feeling good about themselves and holding disrespect to women. The term is now more often being used in man of male chauvinism)
(Xue’s note: This article came out in mid-January but I didn’t read it until today because I didn’t know what “straight man cancer” was until yesterday.)
Famous and prolific writer Zhou Guoping (he mostly writes essays of philosophy - one of ZX’s favorite authors from her mid teens to mid-twenties) wrote some stuff on his Weibo account and got seriously attacked by Netizens. He wrote: “Women are closer to nature than men, which is why women are so precious. Men could have a thousand ambitions and believe they could have many complicated missions beyond nature. Women only have one very ambition, which is to love, to give birth to and to take care of children - this is the most important task in their life. For a woman, as long as she follows her true nature, no matter when she is madly in love, or happily doing housework, or attentively nurturing her baby, she is truly beautiful.”
女人比男人更接近自然之道，这正是女人的可贵之处。男人有一千个野心，自以为负有高于自然的许多复杂使命。女人只有一个野心，骨子里总是把爱和生儿育女视为人生最重大的事情。一个女人，只要她遵循自己的天性，那么，不论她在痴情地恋爱，在愉快地操持家务，在全神贯注地哺育婴儿，都无往而不美。”
After being mocked by Netizens, he responded: I am not saying that women should go back home. I applaud emancipation of women and the equality of men and women. If a woman is very talented and accomplished, I would appreciate her much more. However, now matter how talented or accomplished she is, if she is not willing or does not know how to be an affectionate lover, how to be a caring wife or loving mother, her beauty to be is much less attractive.
我的意思不是要女人回到家庭里。妇女解放，男女平权，我都赞成。女子才华出众，成就非凡，我更欣赏。但是，一个女人才华再高，成就再大，倘若她不肯或不会做一个温柔的情人，体贴的妻子，慈爱的母亲，她给我的美感就要大打折扣。”
Writer’s note: among intellectuals who are supposed to respect women most, there are lots of comments that undermine women. Zhou Guoping is not alone. A lot of these comments actually usually appear in classrooms, newspapers, as well as policy proposals.
在本该最具有尊重女性意识的知识分子群体中，存在着大量矮化女性的奇葩言论，周国平并不是一个人在战斗。而且这样的言论还常常堂而皇之地出现在课堂、报刊乃至于政策建议中。
Some typical intellectuals with “straight man cancer”.
Ambitious “straight man cancer”:
Translator Lin Shaohua, who has translated most of Haruki Murakami’s work into Chinese. He is also a professor of Japanese language at Ocean University of China in Qingdao.
His representative speech: “Some male students asked me how do I find time to translate so many books and articles in my spare time after teaching. My answer is simple: no housework! Male students laugh triumphantly and female students stay silent. I turn to female students and say: pots and woks are fatal tear and wear for men -- they would ruin men’s high aspirations and masculinity. Therefore there are so many feminine men, and so many masculine women.”
代表言论：“有男生问我上课之余为什么译那么多书写那么多文章，我回答四个字：不做家务！男生朗笑，女生不语。我转向女生说：锅碗瓢盆对男人的磨损是致命的——会磨掉男人的高远之思和阳风之气。所以才会有伪娘现象，也才会有女汉子。”
Dictating “straight man cancer”:
Writer Han Han
Representative speech: When answering the question of what does he think is the most important quality for women, smart, virtuous or beautiful? Han Han said: “Em, just don’t cheat on me. Cheating on me does not only mean sleeping with other people. It is not allowed for girls to flirt with other people. It is a very high requirement for women not to be flirtatious.”
代表言论：在回答“你认为女性最重要的品质是什么？聪明、贤惠还是漂亮”时，韩寒说：“嗯，就是千万不能给我戴绿帽子，不要以为和别人上了床才是给你戴绿帽子，女孩子和别人暧昧不清也不行，要女孩子不要水性杨花，这实在是很高的要求了。”
“Straight man cancer” with concern for the country and the people
Tsinghua Sociology professor Sun Liping
Representative speech: in his Reconstructing Gender Roles, Sun Liping believes: (1), The biggest bottleneck for China is the sheer amount of population, and one of many solutions is to reduce women’s employment. Sun believes this is the most cost-effective and most pragmatic solution. (2) Taking the political system into consideration, there are two ways to reduce women’s employment: one is to make them retire early - but Sun Liping thinks this is a little difficult to implement; the other is to encourage periodical employment.
代表言论：孙立平在《重建性别角色》中认为：（1）中国最大的瓶颈问题是人口众多，解决这个问题的方法之一就是减少妇女就业的数量。并且孙立平认为这是目前代价最小，最可行的方法。（2）考虑到体制问题，减少妇女就业的具体的方法有两个，一个是提前退休，但孙立平认为这个方法实行起来有一定的困难；还有一个就是鼓励阶段性就业。
The self-interested “straight man cancer”
Assistant Professor He Guangshun of Guangdong University of Foreign Studies’ Department of Chinese Culture
Representative speech: “Female students should have ample time to make themselves look beautiful. It would be good if they could catch the second class starting at 10am. From 7am to 9am they should dedicate this time to putting on make-up. And then they could walk into the classroom with grace. Therefore male students would be touched and encouraged by their beauty and they will have more initiatives to strive.”
代表言论：“女生应有充裕的时间来打扮自己，能跟上10点的第二节课就好了，从7点到9点的时间应该用来化妆，然后再优雅地进入学堂，于是男生因为美的感动和鼓励，就会赢得奋斗的动力了。”
Retroist “straight man cancer”
Neo-Confucian Qi Yihu, lecturer at Southwest University of Science and Technology’s School of Political Sciences in Mianyang, Sichuan Province
Representative speech: To reconstruct the Confucian family, we need to change this abstract kind of gender equality that dismisses gender differences. We should come back to the system that distinguishes male and female functions in the family. I have an idea: maybe we could have the half-day work system for women. They work outside for half a day, and for the other half of the day they come back home to take care of their parents, husbands and children. Therefore, not only don’t they get cut off completely from society, they would also have time for their family. This really is killing two birds with one stone.
儒家要重建家庭，就得改变这种抹杀性别差异的抽象男女平等观，重新回到夫妇有别的内外分工制，回归家庭。我有一个设想，能否实行女性半日工作制，半天在外上班，半天回归家庭，照顾父母、丈夫和子女。这样，既没有完全断绝妇女和社会的接触，同时又兼顾了家庭，可谓一举两得。

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Thursday, February 26, 2015

News and commentaries, 15-02-25

Keeping up-to-date of the Chinese popular language: Chinese relationship Slang
The Party’s new forms of ideological propaganda
A series of three cartoons “Mass line animated series” (群众路线系列动漫) is popular.  China Digital Times also took a note of this series. “(It) shows Xi Jinping winning the battle to rid officialdom of the “three public expenditures”—banquets, vehicles, and overseas trips—and the “four decadent customs”—formalism, bureaucratism, dilettantism, and extravagance. “

According to Nandu Daily,
1, The videos reinvented leaders’ images with cartoon. They presented serious issues with ordinary people’s perspectives and the Internet language. Despite of the background of the producers, it is obvious that the way of political propaganda is changing.
1, 短片创新领导人的卡通形象，用民众视角和网络语言呈现严肃题材，无论制作方是何背景，都体现了政治传播方式正在改变。
2, With these three videos, Is Mass Line for Real? Are Things for Ordinary People Easier to be Resolved? Are Officials Really Scared?, the broadcasters hope to showcase the achievements of “The Party’s Mass Line education and implementation campaigns”, which is one of the achievement since the 18th Party Congress. On one hand, cartoon images of Xi Jinping and other leaders really dazzled people’s eyes (it is unimaginable that Chinese leaders could be so cute!). It is true it is not the most original, and they had a “plot” (the most typical is Xi beating the tiger with a stick). The producer tried hard. Of course everyone knows that this kind of breakthrough is a result of “synergy”, which represents the openness of related institutions. In general, this is a political propaganda that respects the rules of the Internet, and it is a relatively successful political propaganda.
2,就《群众路线动真格了？》、《老百姓的事儿好办了吗？》和《当官的真怕了？》这三个短片而言，传播者的意图毋宁是告诉公众“党的群众路线教育实践活动”取得的成果，亦即十八大以来执政党的政绩之一。一方面，习近平等领导人的卡通形象让人眼前一亮(原来中国领导人也可以这么Q！)，创新形象犹嫌不足，进而安排“剧情”(最典型的是挥棒打虎)，制作方也是蛮拼的。当然谁都明白，能有这样的突破乃是“合力作用”的结果，不消说反映了有关方面思想的开通。总体来讲，这是一次尊重网络传播规律的政治传播，因而也是一次较为成功的政治传播。
(Xue’s comment: I think this also reflects the Party line of “Further increase the confidence of contemporary Chinese mainstream ideology”, noted in China Speaks on Feb.20, 2015)
Quotes that reflect this more:
1, Mainstream ideology needs to adjust to people’s diverse, independent and differentiated ways of thinking in contemporary society, so as to win the recognition and support of the most majority or people, and represent the majority’s wishes and aspirations. While sticking on the guiding principles of Marxist theories, we need to deal with the relationship between “unification” and “diversity” of different viewpoints. We need to absorb reasonable components from different thoughts. We need to absorb nutrition from cultural achievements from the old time till now, from the West to China. We need to keep pace with the times, continue to innovate, incorporate things with diverse nature and continue to enrich and perfect.
1, 主流意识形态要适应当今社会人们思想的多样性、独立性、选择性和差异性的变化，获得最广大人民群众的广泛认同和支持，代表最广大人民群众的愿望和诉求，就要在坚持马克思主义指导地位的前提下，处理好指导思想“一元化”同各种思想观点“多样性”的关系，从诸多思想观点中汲取合理成分，从古今中外文明成果中吸收营养，与时俱进、不断创新，兼收并蓄、丰富完善。
2, Only when we continue to increase our openness and tolerance, the socialist mainstream ideology in China could continue to be more attractive, engaging and competitive. So it could play its leading and integrating roles. It would be more confident, take more initiatives, and have more achievements. It will really become the foundation of thoughts and spiritual support for the whole Party and all Chinese people to hold on together and strive.
只有不断增强开放性和包容性，当代中国的社会主义主流意识形态才会不断增强吸引力、感召力、竞争力，才能有效地发挥自身的引领和整合作用，从而更具自信，更加自觉，更有作为，真正成为全党全国人民团结奋斗的共同思想基础和精神支撑。
These three videos are actually posted by People’s Daily on Youtube Channels.
Is Mass Line for Real? 群众路线动真格了

Are officials really scared?　当官的真怕了么？

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Saturday, February 21, 2015

News and Commentaries, 15-02-21

A Seminar I found interesting:
Seminars with famous scholars, held by Unirule Institute of Economics
2 full days a month for 6 months, RMB35,000 per person.
As a famous think tank, Uni Rule gathers China’s best social scientists to teach their thinkings. It is useful because though we live in the “ocean of information”, there is lots of garbage in the media and very little succinct, objective or effective information. Another reason is that as the development of smart phones people have increasingly lost their ability of deep reading and thinking, which weakens their ability to absorb, digest information and to be creative.
They seem to have the best scholars:
陈志武, 何光沪, 贺卫方, 雷颐, 茅于轼, 秦晖, 盛洪, 张曙光, 张维迎, 周其仁, 资中筠


Sheng Hong is the director of Unirule Institute of Economics
This is part of the “New Year’s Aspirations” Seminar held by Unirule Institute of Economics and China-Review.com
1, I also have some aspirations for intellectuals. Intellectuals need to have higher requirements for themselves, which also means the identification of intellectuals. In my view, for intellectuals, first they should think beyond their personal interests; and second they need to abide by moral standards, which is more or less the same. First we need to admit that we are ordinary people, so we should strive beyond it. If you live beyond your personal interests, you will not be satisfied just remaining an ordinary person. Actually this kind of identification is a basic one for intellectuals from the old time till now, no matter in the West or within China. Traditional Chinese intellectuals defined themselves this way. Intellectuals are not those who fight for their own interests, but rather for the interests of the “heavenly path”. This identification has exceeded beyond an ordinary person from a conceptual and spiritual point of view. Therefore intellectuals live beyond the limits of politicians in their spirit.
1, 我还要对知识分子做出期许。知识分子要对自己有某种更高的要求，也就是知识分子的定位问题。在我看来，对知识分子的定义，第一是超越个人利害，第二是遵循道德规范，这两者其实是一回事。首先还是要承认自己生来就是凡人，所以要超越。超越了个人利害，你就不能仅仅作为一个凡人为满足。其实这样的定位是古今中外知识分子的基本定位，中国传统士大夫就是这样定位的。既然超越了自己的利害，知识分子就不是为自己的利益而奋斗的人，而是为天道而奋斗的人。这种定位从观念上和精神上已经超越了凡人，所以知识分子在精神上是超越执政者的。
2, Second, to exceed beyond ordinary people, we need to understand ordinary people in order to help them. We need to transfer knowledge. We need to transfer the path we understand to practical and implementable proposals and suggestions. And then we need to propose to rulers in kind, understandable and acceptable ways. Actually from this point of view, though the ruling party could say that they would always continue to lead, they only highlight that they will continue provide public goods to the people. It does not necessarily mean that the whole world belongs to the rulers. Therefore in some sense, intellectuals need to think of the whole world and consider promoting the real “heavenly path” as their own responsibility. This is that Confucius says, “gentlemen’s will should be on the heavenly path”. In this way, in the spirit, the whole world is yours.
2,第二点，超越凡人，就能理解凡人，也能帮助凡人。要把自己理解的天道变换成可以去落实和实施的制度方案和政策建议。然后以善意的和可以理解的、可以接受的方式向执政者提出。其实从这个意义上来讲，虽然执政党可以说他要坚持领导，但这只是强调要继续向民众提供公共物品，并不意味着天下就是执政者的。而从某种意义上来讲，知识分子以天下为怀，以推行天道为自己的职责，就是孔子所说的“士志于道”，在精神上，天下就是你的。


Yao Zhongqiu is a professor at Beihang University’s Institute for Advanced Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences and a board member of Unirule Institute of Economics
This is part of the “New Year’s Aspirations” Seminar held by Unirule Institute of Economics and China-Review.com
1, (I think China should abolish family planning policy completely) My reason is not primarily economical, but more spiritual. The family planning policy has been implemented for more than three decades, I think the biggest destruction is that it makes Chinese people do not view human beings as real human beings. Why did they implement family planning? It was because they have been treating human beings as objects.
1,我的理由主要不是经济的，而主要是精神层面的。我认为计划生育政策实施了30多年，最大的危害是让很多中国人不把人当成真正意义上的完整的人看。为什么要实行计划生育政策？是因为把人当成了物，
2, Family planning policy is an organic component in the system of planned economy. The fundamental problem of planned economy was to treat people as objects. When they set up the plan, every person is a number or a nail in the system. Each person is a laborer or a consumer.
2, 计划生育政策，是计划经济体系的有机组成部分。计划经济的根本问题也是把人物化，在制定计划的时候，人都是一个一个的数字和系统中的螺丝钉，是一个一个的劳动力或者是消费者。
3, Family planning is a quintessential example of the spirit of planned economy - anti-spirit, which is to treat people as objects. The full-blown implementation of family planning has created huge damage to Chinese society. Or the most profound cultural and spiritual devastation is too many people don’t treat human beings as human beings.
3,计划生育非常典型的体现了计划经济的精神——反精神，就是他把人当成了物。全盘实行计划生育政策，给中国社会造成巨大的危害，或者最深刻的文化上的伤害、精神上的伤害，就是有太多的中国人不把人当成人。
4, China’s family planning policy has particularly hurt women a great deal. It has made many women lost their gentle and kind character. It makes the whole society do not view human beings as human beings. The government also has the same logic. Therefore, no matter if we aspire a happy society, or want to realize a cultural revival, or the resurrection of the Chinese nation, the most important is to retrieve the lost humanity.

4, 中国的计划生育政策对女性伤害尤其大，它让很多女性丧失了温柔敦厚的情怀，让社会太多的人不把人当成人看，政府的逻辑也是如此。所以，不管是向往幸福社会，还是实现文化复兴，抑或是中华民族伟大复兴，最重要的是将被物化的人性还原回来。

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Friday, February 20, 2015

News and commentaries, 15-02-20


Jiang Hui 姜辉 is the head of Institute of Information Studies at China Academy of Social Sciences

1, The mainstream ideology of our country is the centralized reflection and spiritual flag of our economic and political situations. It is suitable for new changes, new conditions and new phases of social development. With its strong guidance, cohesiveness and influence, it promotes social reform and development. It also maintains social stability.
1, 我国的主流意识形态是经济政治状况的集中反映和精神旗帜，它适应于社会发展的新变化、新情况、新阶段，并通过其强大的引导力、凝聚力和影响力，促进社会变革，推动社会发展，维系社会稳定。

2, (Under the new leadership or Chairman Xi Jinping) There is upgraded status and increased influence of mainstream ideology. And there are some new characteristics. They are: A: there is increased credibility and recognition of mainstream ideology.
2,主流意识形态的地位和影响力随之稳步提升，呈现出新面貌和新特点。主要体现在：一是主流意识形态的公信力和认同度提高了。

3, B: There is increased guidance and control of mainstream ideology. Because of the successful development of the socialist path with Chinese characteristics, as well as many impressive miracles created in China due to this path, there is decreased influence of non-mainstream ideologies, which have been battling with mainstream ideology, like neo-liberalism, social democracy, universal values, Western constitutional theory and historical nihilism. Theories of “China is collapsing”, “China is failing”, “China is a threat” and “China is a monopoly” have been popular, but with China’s friendly, peaceful and win-win diplomatic policies, these theories are not very convincing.
3, 二是主流意识形态的引导力和掌控力增强了。中国特色社会主义道路的成功开拓，创造的一个个举世瞩目的中国奇迹，使得国内多年来与主流意识形态挑战争锋的新自由主义、社会民主主义、普世价值论、西方宪政论、历史虚无主义等非主流意识形态影响力下降；国际上的“中国崩溃论”、“中国失败论”等渐趋式微，而“中国威胁论”、“中国争霸论”尽管有所抬头，但由于中国推行和平共赢的外交政策，这些论调也难以赢得多数人认同。

4, C: Mainstream ideology has become more open and tolerant. It fully represents the great confidence and strong resiliency of mainstream ideology.
4, 三是主流意识形态的开放性和包容性拓展了.. 充分展现了主流意识形态的博大自信和蓬勃生命力


5, There are also new characteristics and trends of non-mainstream ideologies. They continue to challenge mainstream ideology with different contents and styles. Their characteristics are: First: Their political appeals and values have become more obvious and public, particularly on the subjects related to overall reform path and directions, rule of law, and the relations of the Party’s leadership. They have started to have strong voices in these fields. Second: There are many jointed confluence among different kinds of non-mainstream ideologies. They set up some topics that attract people’s attentions or stimulate their emotions, and create some “ideological group incidents”; Third, Non-mainstream ideologies increasingly use platforms like academic discussions and policy debates. Some so-called “public intellectuals” have become the main broadcasters, initiators and speakers.
5, 非主流意识形态也呈现出新的特点和态势，继续以变化了的内容和方式持续挑战主流意识形态。主要体现在：一是政治诉求和价值取向趋于显性化、公开化，比如在关于全面深化改革的路径与方向、依法治国与党的领导的关系等的重大决策中，都发出异于主流的较强的声音；二是多种非主流意识形态汇集合流，设置某个或数个易引起人们关注和激发情绪的话题，制造“意识形态群体性事件”；三是非主流意识形态越来越多地借助学术讨论、政策辩论平台，一些所谓“公共知识分子”成为其主要传播者、鼓动者、建言者。

6, C: Mainstream ideology needs to continue increasing its self-confidence. First we need to actively promote the creativity of the Party’s leadership and continue to enrich and develop Marxist theories’ application in China. Second, we need to take more initiatives and increase our leadership so as to strengthen our manipulation and integration of non-mainstream ideologies. Third, we need to continue showcasing our confidence in theories, to actively promote the power of discourse, and develop the structure of discourse. Fourth, we need to be inclusive and tolerant enough to encourage more openness and tolerance of mainstream ideology.
三、主流意识形态要进一步增强自信
一是积极推进党的指导思想创新，不断丰富和发展马克思主义中国化理论成果。二是增强主动性和引导力，加强对非主流意识形态的驾驭和整合。三是坚持理论自信，积极推进话语权和话语体系建设。四是兼收并蓄、汲取精华，扩大主流意识形态的开放性和包容性。
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Thursday, February 19, 2015

List of intellectuals from Our Education

List of intellectuals from Our Education
1953年生于上海。当代最具影响力艺术家、作家、文艺评论家，学者。毕业于中央美术学院。1970年—1978年辗转赣南、苏北农村插队落户，其间自习绘画，是当时颇有名气的“知青画家”。1980年以《西藏组画》轰动中外艺术界，成为颠覆教化模式，并向欧洲溯源的发轫，被公认为具有划时代意义的经典之作。绘画之余，出版文学著作十余部。陈丹青无论画风与文风，都具有一种优雅而朴素；睿智而率真的气质，洋溢着独特的人格魅力。

Articles: 常识与记忆——在东南大学的演讲全文, 70年后，鲁迅已经面目全非
1964年出生，安徽岳西人，南京师范大学教育管理专业教育硕士，北京师范大学中国教育史专业博士。中国教育科学研究院研究员，21世纪教育研究院学术委员，中国陶行知研究会副秘书长，中央教育科学研究所研究员，中国地方教育史志研究会学校史志分会理事长，中国地方教育史志研究会副会长，《教育史研究》副主编。研究领域有教育管理、教育史、教育技术、教育心理、农村教育、职业教育、大学精神等。
安徽宣城人，1984年赴美国留学，1992年获哈佛大学博士学位。现为香港科技大学教授、博士生导师，卡内基国际和平基金会高级研究员，澳洲国立大学亚太研究院通讯研究员，同时兼任浙江大学等高校的荣誉教授或顾问教授。
历史学者，自由撰稿人，当代中国知名知识分子。1999年以来，在《书屋》、《随笔》、《东方》、《读书》、《南方周末》、《新京报》、《东方早报》、《老照片》等数十种报刊发表100多万字。编有《过去的小学》、《过去的中学》、《学术方向：中国近代史，特别是百年中国言论史、知识分子命运史给教育燃灯》等。
1952年生，浙江杭州人，文革中曾在北大荒下乡八年，1982年获黑龙江大学学士，1985年毕业于北京大学外国哲学研究所，获西方哲学硕士，2008年被中山大学聘为逸仙学者讲座教授，2009年出任中山大学人文高等研究院院长，兼任博雅学院院长，通识教育总监，中山大学哲学系外国哲学专业博士生导师。主要著作有《政治哲人施特劳斯》、《将错就错》、《古今中西之争》、《通三统》和《文明·国家·大学》。
祖籍浙江绍兴，1945年12月15日出生于浙江湖州。曾任复旦大学中国历史地理研究所、历史地理研究中心主任。现任复旦大学图书馆馆长，教育部社会科学委员会委员。
旅美教育学专家，现在迈阿密大学任教。1982年获文学学士学位。1988年赴美国讲学，1989获美国Villanova大学“人的组织与管理科学”理学硕士学位，1993年获美国Miami大学“教育管理学”哲学博士学位。长期致力于中美教育和文化交流 。所著的中美教育比较系列《素质教育在美国》、《玩的教育在美国》、《“高考”在美国》等图书，在中国教育界不断引起强烈反响，其素质教育理念对中国现代教育改革产生了深刻的影响。 新著有《培养智慧的孩子—天赋教育在美国》。
生于1963年10月，陕西人。 21世纪教育研究院副理事长，西安欧亚学院董事长兼院长。1986年开始涉足民办教育，1995年创办西安欧亚学院。现任陕西省政协常委、省政协文教委员会副主任、西安市第十三届人大代表、陕西省青年联合会常委、陕西省青年科技协会副会长。
致力于研究和推动教育改革，推进公平教育与科学教育，重点关注乡村教育，著《痴仁说梦–我的教育梦呓》。
教育学者，诗人。1969年生于福建东山岛，曾于乡村学校任教和在教育行政部门做事，后供职于海峡文艺出版社、福建教育杂志社。著有诗集《大海的两个侧面》、教育人文随笔集《大地总有孩子跑过》等。现为华东师范大学出版社北京分社副社长，《教师月刊》主编。
美国宾州国际留学项目文化顾问，NGO项目绩效分析师。兼任中国多家民间智库与公民组织的研究员和顾问。他为《纽约时报》、共识网、南方系媒体以及NGO和教育行业期刊特约撰稿，推动公民社会与政治体制的互动。即将出版《美国基础教育政策与实践案例集》（蒲公英教育智库），译有《比较政治学：全球导论》。 刘航获得卡耐基梅隆大学公共政策硕士，斯坦福大学“民主发展”培训项目杰出认证。他还服务于加州伯克利天主教中美交流中心董事会，以及哈佛大学公民与社会创新社区执行团队。 “没有知识的立场是浅薄的，没有立场的知识是圆滑的”，联系邮箱：lukeliuhang@gmail.com
立人乡村图书馆总干事，立人大学创办人。1979年出生，湖北蕲春县青石镇人，2 0 0 1 年毕业于南京邮电学院，后在中国联通济南分公司工作至2 0 0 3 年9 月。2 0 0 4 年9 月进入北京大学学习，2 0 0 6 年取得经济学硕士学位毕业。在京期间，曾任《新青年· 权衡》杂志编辑部主任、传知行社会经济研究所理事等。后创办立人图书馆并创建立人大学。
四川乐山人，1958年8月生，苏州大学教育哲学博士，语文特级教师，曾荣获四川省成都市优秀专家、2000年“全国十杰中小学中青年教师”提名奖。现任成都市武侯实验中学校长。
著名人文学者，鲁迅、周作人研究专家。1939年1月30日生于四川重庆，祖籍浙江杭州。北京大学资深教授，博士生导师，并任清华大学中文系兼职教授，中国现代文学研究会副会长，中国鲁迅学会理事，《中国现代文学研究丛刊》主编。主要从事现代文学史研究，鲁迅、周作人研究与现代知识分子精神史研究。20世纪80年代以来中国最具影响力的人文学者之一。他以对20世纪中国思想、文学和社会的精深研究，特别是对20世纪中国知识分子历史与精神的审察，得到海内外的重视与尊重。
清华大学经济管理学院院长、教授。1956年生于北京，祖籍浙江。1981年清华大学数学专业本科（提前）毕业。毕业后留学美国，先后获哥伦比亚大学统计学硕士学位、耶鲁大学运筹学/管理科学硕士学位、哈佛大学经济学博士学位。之后任教于斯坦福大学、马里兰大学、伯克利加州大学。2006年10月起任清华大学经济管理学院院长
1955年出生于山东青岛，中国青少年研究中心副主任、研究员，中国青少年研究会副会长，《少年儿童研究》杂志总编辑。1999年被国务院表彰为有突出贡献的教育科学研究专家。1993年发表报告文学《夏令营中的较量》震撼全国，引发热烈持久的教育大讨论，推动了教育改革。 他的一系列教育观点影响重大，如“教育的秘诀是真爱”“没有惩罚的教育是不完整的教育”“良好习惯是健康人生之基”“德育为何成了一壶烧不开的水”等。
一个喜欢思考的教师，一个喜欢教书的思考者。湖北省仙桃中学语文教师。文章涉及教育、文学、历史、思想等领域，散见于《人民教育》《名作欣赏》《书屋》《学习博览》《教师博览》《新教育读写月报》《教育研究与评论》《重庆时报》《新京报》《共识网》《教育思想网》等媒体。
经济学家，国务院参事、友成基金会常务副理事长。北京大学中国经济研究中心、武汉大学、曁南大学兼职教授，长城金融研究所研究员，中国经济50人成员。《前沿讲座》特邀嘉宾。曾任亚洲开发银行驻中国代表处首席经济学、亚洲开发银行驻中国代表处副代表，中国发展研究基金会副秘书长。
山东邹平人。2009年至2010年在一乡村小学代课一年，2010年在一城市九年一贯制学校教小学至今。曾梦想着经商，却“误”入教育行业，现唯对教育情有独钟。漫步于教育理想与教育现实之间，试图在两者间寻找一个平衡点；游走于教育理论与教育实践之间，试图打通两者。自2007年实习之日起，开始书写教育日记、教育随笔至今，现多篇文章散见于《中国教师报》《教师博览》《莫愁·家教与成才》《小学语文教师》《新教师》《信息教研周刊》等。
生于四川成都。在中国获材料工程学士和工业经济管理文科硕士、在美国获统计学理科硕士和经济学博士。曾当过工人，助理工程师，讲师，资深经济学家。麦可思公司创始人、总裁，中国高等教育供需跟踪评估系统（CHEFS）创始人，麦可思《中国大学生就业报告》（就业蓝皮书）作者，21世纪教育研究院理事，西南财经大学特聘教授。
著名经济学家、教授。北京师范学院（今首都师范大学）数学学士（1982年），中国科学院理学硕士（1984年），美国夏威夷大学经济学博士（1990年）。1997年至今任教于北京大学。长期以来倡导“个体生命的自由”。在公共领域内所持的矛盾态度：批判主流，关注思想，拒绝媒体。天则经济研究所理事，同时兼任浙江大学跨学科社会科学研究中心学术委员会主席、东北财经大学行为与社会科学跨学科研究中心学术委员会主席、《新世纪》周刊学术顾问和《财经》杂志学术顾问。
北京人，教育部语文出版社社长，原教育部新闻发言人。1978年高中毕业后，到京郊农村插队两年；之后考上北京师范学院(今首都师范大学)中文系，毕业后在丰台第七中学从教7年；1991年进入《中国教育报》当记者；1998年从报社总编室主任改任教育部办公厅新闻处处长；2003年4月任教育部办公厅副主任、新闻办公室主任、教育部新闻发言人。2008年7月18日，任语文出版社社长。任教育部新闻发言人期间，以个性敢言著称。出版有《为了公开——我当新闻发言人》。
信孚教育集团董事长，21世纪教育研究院理事。兼任中国民办教育协会常务理事，《看世界》杂志名誉副社长、香港孔教学院永远荣誉院长、凯迪企业家理事会会长，中山大学、四川大学、肇庆教育学院客座教授。
1972年7月生，四川资中人。著名教育学者，博士，21世纪教育研究院副院长，上海交通大学编审，中国高校校报协会副会长，上海市高校校报研究会理事长。 新京报、北京青年报、东方早报、南方都市报、深圳晶报、珠江晚报、现代教育报等报专栏作者。
1961年生，1979年进入北京大学中文系文学专业，1983年在北大本科毕业后先后就职于《北京晚报》、中国社会科学院政治学所。1994年赴美，1995-1997年就读于耶鲁大学东亚研究课程并获硕士学位，1997年进入耶鲁大学历史系攻读博士。2006年获得博士学位。2004年就任于波士顿萨福克大学。 2002年，薛涌开始重返中文媒体，先后为香港《信报》、新加坡《联合早报》、大陆《南方周末》、《南方人物》、等报刊撰文。同时也在《纽约时报》、美国公共广播电台等英文媒体发布文章和评论。曾被《南方人物》评为“影响中国的五十公共知识分子”之一。著述包括《美国是如何培养精英的》、《谁的大学》、《一岁就上常青藤》、《美国大学原来是这样的》、《天才是训练出来的》、《精英的阶梯：美国教育考察》等。 薛涌在美国求学、任教近二十年，对美国社会和教育有着长期、细致的观察，一直是“通识教育”的倡导者。他特别强调精神和身体的全面发展，除了研究、教学、写作外，一直投身于严格的体育训练。他不仅倡导体育的健康价值，更强调体育的精神价值和教育价值，把“培养完整的人”作为自己的教育使命。
“真格”天使投资基金创始人，21世纪教育研究院副理事长。新东方教育集团创始合伙人，曾任新东方教育科技集团董事、新东方文化发展研究院院长。徐小平和俞敏洪、王强一起被誉为新东方的“三驾马车”。2012年10月聘为第八届国家特约教育督导员（第九届国家督学）。
现任中国经济体制改革杂志社总编辑，中国经济体制改革研究会副秘书长，广西大学教授、桂林工学院教授。主要研究领域：马克思经济学和西方经济学、中国经济体制改革理论与实践。从1980年起在《中国社会科学》、《哲学研究》等刊物和出版社发表及出版200多万字文稿。
浙江上虞人，1957年生，政治学博士，博士生导师，曾任中国人民大学政治系主任。长在中国的“北极”北大荒。做过农工，兽医。初学农业机械，后涉历史，在吃粉笔灰之余，喜欢写点不伦不类的文字，有的被视为学术著作，有《武夫治国梦》、《乡土心路八十年》、《乡村社会权力和文化结构的变迁》等数种，还有一些算是历史文化随笔，有《直截了当的独白》、《关于两脚羊的故事》、《历史的坏脾气》、《历史的底稿》。
21世纪教育研究院理事，奕阳教育董事长、总经理；中国学前教育研究会理事、西部阳光农村发展基金会理事、北京师范大学儿童阅读与学习研究中心研究员。目前主要关注教育体制改革研究及教育类NGO运作研究；曾发表《中国儿童早期阅读现状与对策》等文章。
男，湖北省监利县人，1957年生。原湖北省监利县教育局长、党委书记、县政府教育督导室主任。华中师范大学中国农村研究院兼职研究员。北京新学校研究院特聘专家。著有《乡村笔记》、《对农民让利》、《农村乡镇的体制性困惑与出路》等书。主编有《农村教育改革的一场风暴》。主要论文有《乡镇财政与乡村治理》、《也论废除农业税制》、《教育券不是教育改革的良药》、《论新教育时代》、《资本与教育结合：中国农村教育改革的有益探索》、《监利教改的回顾与启示》等。2009年获得《中国教育报》、《中国教育新闻网》“全国首届教育改革创新管理优秀奖”。
社会学专家。1950年8月生于北京，男性，汉族，无党派，北京大学社会学系教授。著有《走出囚徒困境》《代价论》《信任论》等。郑也夫是中国开放以后最早研究中国知识分子问题的社会学家。郑也夫先生以其独特的态度，对待社会生活中阴冷的地带，用自己的专业知识观察和分析中国当下处境中的真实问题。
1945年生于上海，中国社会科学院哲学研究所研究员。中国当代著名学者，哲学家，散文家，作家。著有学术专著《尼采：在世纪的转折点上》、《尼采与形而上学》，散文集《守望的距离》、《各自的朝圣路》、《安静的位置》、《善良丰富高贵》、《何来何往》，纪实作品《妞妞：一个父亲的札记》、《岁月与性情》、《偶尔远行》、《宝贝，宝贝》，随感集《人与永恒》、《风中的纸屑》、《碎句与短章》，诗集《忧伤的情欲》，以及《周国平人生哲思录》、《周国平人文讲演录》等，译有《尼采美学文选》、《尼采诗集》、《偶像的黄昏》等。
汉族，1958年1月生，衡阳市人，教育家。教育学硕士、历史学博士。华中师范大学教育学院教授、博士生导师，教育史专业导师组组长，长江教育研究院院长。南京大学、武汉大学、北京师范大学等校兼职教授。美国哥伦比亚大学教育学院、香港中文大学教育学院高级访问学者。现任湖北省人大常委会副主任、全国人大代表、中国民主促进会中央委员。
1958年8月生，江苏大丰人，中国民主促进会中央委员会副主席，第十二届全国政协副秘书长、常务委员会委员。中国教育学会副会长，中国叶圣陶研究会副会长兼秘书长，苏州大学教授、博士生导师，北京师范大学、同济大学等兼职教授。新教育实验发起人。
1930年生于天津。1951毕业于清华大学西方语言文学系。曾任中国社科院美国研究所所长，中美关系史研究会会长，《美国研究》杂志主编。现为中国社科院荣誉学部委员、研究员、博士生导师。兼任南京大学-约翰·霍普金斯中美研究中心国际问题研究所学术委员会中方主任，中美关系史研究会理事，太平洋学会常务理事，中国人民外交学会理事等。学术专长为国际政治研究和美国研究。著有《美国对华政策的缘起和发展：1945-1950》、《资中筠集》、《财富的归宿——美国现代公益基金会述评》；主编并合著有《战后美国外交史：从杜鲁门到里根》、《冷眼向洋：百年风云启示录》等。





























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